Weiner, a longtime California state senator, could face a crowded field of Democrats if Pelosi retires — including AOC’s former chief of staff
(Photo by Russell Yip/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)
California State Senator Scott Wiener addresses the SF Chronicle Editorial Board on Thursday, Jan. 18, 2018 in San Francisco, Calif.
Scott Wiener, a veteran California state senator from San Francisco, has long coupled his lifelong support for Israel with vocal opposition to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and far-right members of his governing coalition.
Now, the 55-year-old Jewish Democrat finds himself navigating delicate political terrain as he balances those competing views while mounting a new campaign to replace Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) in the Bay Area congressional seat that she has held for nearly four decades.
With Pelosi rumored to soon announce she will retire at the end of her current term, Wiener has been fielding attacks from a far-left primary rival, Saikat Chakrabarti, as Israel and Gaza emerge as a source of division in the nascent race that is already shaping up to be among the more bitterly contested Democratic battles of the upcoming election cycle.
Chakrabarti, 39, a former chief of staff to Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), is a fierce critic of Israel who has called its war in Gaza a genocide and pushed for ending all military funding to the Jewish state. He has also backed a controversial House bill, called the Block the Bombs Act, that aims to impose severe restrictions on U.S. weapons sales to Israel — and is needling Wiener for so far declining to clarify his own position on the measure, which is not likely to pass.
In an interview with Jewish Insider earlier this week, Wiener continued to deflect when asked for his stance on the matter, saying only that, if elected next year, “there will be new bills introduced” when he serves in the House. Despite treading cautiously around the legislation, however, Wiener confirmed that he is broadly in favor of withholding offensive arms to the current Israeli government that, in his view, “is not committed to peace or democracy.”
The U.S.-Israel alliance, Wiener emphasized, “is incredibly important, and the U.S. should continue to support Israel’s defense,” such as funding for its Iron Dome missile-interception system. But he said he could no longer justify sending weapons to Israel because of his increasing disgust with Netanyahu’s government.
“I have been very clear and consistent for years, going back before Oct. 7, that I think the current government of Israel is horrific,” he said. “It’s an extremist, messianic government that, in addition to destroying Gaza and upending the West Bank, is harming Israel by upending Israel’s standing in the world and undermining democracy in the country — and it’s very troubling to me.”
Even as he endorsed a measure that represents a red line for many pro-Israel advocates, Wiener has continued to show his support for the Jewish state, co-leading a legislative delegation to Israel last year, where he visited sites targeted by Hamas in the Oct. 7, 2023, terror attacks and met with Israeli leaders, including President Isaac Herzog.
His evolving views on the Middle East policy underscore a broader shift within the Democratic Party in the wake of the war in Gaza, as a growing number of candidates and elected officials embrace efforts to impose conditions on military aid to Israel that, until recently, had seen more narrow support among anti-Israel detractors on the far left.
“I pray the ceasefire holds and we can move toward a more durable peace,” Wiener told JI. “But we also have a situation where you have Netanyahu and his government, and you have Hamas, so the situation is being driven by extremes. I hope that changes.”
In a heavily progressive city like San Francisco, Wiener’s more pointed views on Israel are hardly unusual — even if his approach is unlikely to satisfy the hard-line activists who, in the months after Oct. 7, frequently accosted him in public and accused him of supporting genocide.
Wiener, who co-chairs the California Legislative Jewish Caucus, believes much of the rhetoric that he faced was antisemitic and that protestors failed to recognize he had voiced support for an end to the fighting, as well as the release of all hostages, going back to the fall of 2023. “For some people, it’s never going to be good enough, unless you call for Israel’s elimination,” he said.
“I pray the ceasefire holds and we can move toward a more durable peace,” Wiener told JI. “But we also have a situation where you have Netanyahu and his government, and you have Hamas, so the situation is being driven by extremes. I hope that changes.”
“Without judgement, I don’t think that he’s in a different place than a lot of his would-be colleagues, and that is something the Jewish community has to grapple with,” Tyler Gregory, who leads the Jewish Community Relations Council Bay Area, told JI, referring to changing attitudes toward Israel among Democrats.
Tyler Gregory, who leads the Jewish Community Relations Council Bay Area, described Wiener as “the Jewish community’s champion” and said that “he has taken so many hits” that Jewish community members feel “a protective instinct” and “a strong sense of loyalty to him and what he has represented since Oct. 7.”
He called Wiener “firmly pro-Israel,” even if “a lot of people in our community may not be fully aligned with his politics.”
“Without judgement, I don’t think that he’s in a different place than a lot of his would-be colleagues, and that is something the Jewish community has to grapple with,” Gregory told JI, referring to changing attitudes toward Israel among Democrats.
Wiener said he has not yet engaged in discussions with pro-Israel groups like AIPAC — as Democratic candidates have faced pressure to swear off donations from the lobbying organization over its support for the Israeli government. “Obviously I have some disagreements with AIPAC,” Wiener told JI. “I’ll leave it at that.”
While he has been seen as a progressive leader in the state for his advocacy on such issues as LGBTQ rights and criminal justice reform, Wiener, who has said he moved to San Francisco nearly 30 years ago so that he could live more openly as a gay man, has faced local backlash from the left over his efforts to promote increased real estate development, fueling attacks that he is aligned with corporate interests.
But as the city’s voters have recently shown an appetite for more measured local representation, Wiener could find a more receptive audience than his chief opponent, Chakrabarti, who is running an insurgent campaign to push Pelosi into retirement.
Asked to comment on a recent social media post in which Chakrabarti said that “legislators continue to give Israel a blank check because of money from the Israel lobby,” Wiener said “that kind of rhetoric can tip into antisemitism.”
“There are times when some of those criticisms basically are like attacks on people for accepting contributions from Jewish community leaders,” he told JI, citing a recent questionnaire distributed by the California Faculty Association asking political candidates if they had ever accepted money from AIPAC or the Jewish Public Affairs Committee of California.
“I have a real criticism of what the government of Israel is doing today, and I do not believe our government should be complicit in it,” Chakrabarti said in a statement to JI. “I have a criticism of lobbying groups that spend huge amounts of money in our elections to influence our foreign policy. And it is precisely because we have a real issue with antisemitism today that I hope Sen. Wiener does not use this campaign to conflate a criticism of Israel with antisemitism to score political points.”
Such instances, Wiener argued, “can very quickly bleed out into attacking candidates because they have support in the Jewish community and receive contributions from respective leaders in the Jewish community — and then that gets lumped in as, ‘Oh, that’s the Israel lobby,’ and that can be antisemitic.”
“I hope this doesn’t go there,” he said of the race. “But we will see.”
In a statement to JI on Wednesday, Chakrabarti said that he “will always call out antisemitism no matter where I hear it, and I would hope we can all agree that we should never target any group with hate. This should be a basic American value.”
“I have a real criticism of what the government of Israel is doing today, and I do not believe our government should be complicit in it,” he added. “I have a criticism of lobbying groups that spend huge amounts of money in our elections to influence our foreign policy. And it is precisely because we have a real issue with antisemitism today that I hope Sen. Wiener does not use this campaign to conflate a criticism of Israel with antisemitism to score political points.”
Wiener, who says he raised $730,000 in the 24 hours after launching his campaign last week, has long been interested in running for Pelosi’s seat and created an exploratory committee two years ago to plant a marker in the district as he waited for her to retire.
But he moved forward with his bid rather than deferring to Pelosi’s schedule after Chakrabarti, a wealthy former tech entrepreneur, entered the race last February and drew national attention.
Wiener’s top priorities include housing, healthcare, clean energy and “always standing up for the Jewish community” amid a rise in antisemitism “across the political spectrum,” he said.
Pelosi, who is expected to announce her plans for the coming election cycle early next month, “is fully focused on her mission” to pass a state redistricting measure in the Nov. 4 election, a spokesperson told JI.
Her daughter, Christine Pelosi, is among other potential primary candidates viewed as eyeing the House seat.
“We’re ready to go,” Wiener said of his fledgling campaign. “I’ve been in this community, working in this community, representing this community, for a long time. I feel great about our support.”
It was just one of several examples of influential state and national teachers’ unions presenting a roadblock against efforts to fight antisemitism in public schools
Holmes/Getty Images for National Urban League
A view of the California state capitol building.
Over the weekend, the California State Assembly passed a bill that is intended to address what Jewish community advocates describe as crisis levels of antisemitism in the state’s K-12 schools.
The bill passed despite the objections of the powerful California Teachers Association, the state’s largest teachers’ union, which had stalled the legislation in July, claiming that efforts to combat antisemitism could impinge on teachers’ academic freedom when it came to discussing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
It was just one of several examples of influential state and national teachers’ unions presenting a roadblock against efforts to fight antisemitism in public schools, where discrimination against Jewish and Israeli students has skyrocketed over the past two years — even though many of those efforts have broad support from within the Jewish community, and from outside it, too.
In California, the CTA and anti-Israel groups like the Council on American-Islamic Relations were on one side of the issue, facing a diverse coalition of the bill’s backers that included the legislature’s Jewish, Black, Latino and Asian American and Pacific Islander caucuses. In an effort to appease the CTA during negotiations, some parts of the bill were removed, including language that would’ve defined what constituted an antisemitic learning environment.
But the union never changed course.
The CTA debacle began in July, just days after the representative body of the National Education Association — the national union to which CTA belongs — voted to cut ties with the Anti-Defamation League, a move that shocked many Jewish educators. And last December, an American Jewish Committee report accused the Massachusetts Teachers Association of promoting anti-Israel educational materials to its members. These developments have come amid a steady trickle of news reports over the last two years showcasing educators bringing controversial and at times antisemitic views into the classroom.
All of which raises an uncomfortable question for many Jewish parents: Why are unions that are committed to equity and representation often resistant to incorporating protections that Jewish families say will keep their kids safe and supported at school?
In California, the CTA said that a bill focusing only on antisemitism “might be seen as prioritizing one form of discrimination over others, potentially alienating groups facing other forms of systemic discrimination, such as Islamophobia, ableism or xenophobia.” But a companion bill passed by the legislature this weekend that takes aim at racism, gender discrimination, religious discrimination and homophobia in schools should render that argument moot. A CTA spokesperson declined to comment last week.
So far, though, the teachers unions have not been successful in their efforts to marginalize Jewish organizations and counter antisemitism measures.
The NEA’s top leadership quickly backtracked on the anti-ADL resolution (although they took a swipe at the organization in the process). In Massachusetts, a statewide antisemitism committee said in August that K-12 schools should implement the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism. In California, the 300,000-member CTA was not able to muster the political capital to quash the antisemitism bill. Gov. Gavin Newsom now has a month to decide whether to sign it.
“We’ve got a long way to go,” the ADL’s CEO, Jonathan Greenblatt, told Jewish Insider in July, to ensure “our community is respected for who we are.”
A section that defined antisemitism and provided examples of an ‘antisemitic learning environment’ were stripped out before passage
Holmes/Getty Images for National Urban League
A view of the California state capitol building.
A key California Senate committee voted on Wednesday to advance an amended bill targeting antisemitism in K-12 schools, following two months of closed-door negotiations that came after the state’s largest teachers’ union announced its opposition to the bill and stalled its passage.
The version of the bill that came before the Senate Education Committee on Wednesday night was markedly different from an earlier version that had been approved unanimously by the State Assembly in May. But when the 300,000-member California Teachers Association came out against the bill in July, arguing that its targeting of antisemitism could affect teachers’ “academic freedom,” lawmakers scrapped a planned hearing in order to take time to try to assuage the powerful union.
The CTA never withdrew its opposition to the bill, and the group’s chief lobbyist urged senators to vote against it at a Wednesday hearing that saw more than 500 people testify about the legislation. Tyler Gregory, CEO of the Jewish Community Relations Council of the Bay Area, said the union had been “negotiating in bad faith.” A CTA spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.
“I am disappointed that they’re still opposing the bill so aggressively. We’ve worked so hard to address their concerns,” state Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat who chairs the Legislative Jewish Caucus, told Jewish Insider. “It’s a narrower and more focused bill than it was before, but it’s still quite impactful and it sets some clear standards, and creates an antisemitism coordinator, so it’s a good bill.”
The bill would create a statewide Office of Civil Rights, where a new antisemitism prevention coordinator would be located. If the bill passes, that office will track antisemitism in California schools and provide antisemitism education to California teachers and administrators to help prevent and combat discrimination.
Although the legislation would provide educational materials about antisemitism to school personnel, the biggest change from the prior draft was the removal of a section that defined antisemitism and provided examples of what would constitute an “antisemitic learning environment.”
These examples included “assertions of dual loyalty directed at Jewish individuals or communities,” “equating Jews or Israelis with Nazis or Nazi Germany,” “denial, erasure, or distortion of Jewish history, ancestry, identity, or culture” and “language or images directly or indirectly denying the right of Israel to exist, demonizing Jewish people, or saying that Jewish people do not belong in a country or community.”
Instead, the plan endorsed a 2024 antisemitism strategy authored by Gov. Gavin Newsom and the 2023 plan released by the Biden White House.
“There was a lot of discussion about how antisemitism should be defined, and ultimately there wasn’t sufficient consensus for that to be a part of the bill,” said Robert Trestan, vice president of the Anti-Defamation League’s western division. “There are sufficient effective provisions of the bill that will make a difference for Jewish students in California, and if we didn’t think it’s going to be effective, we wouldn’t support it.”
A CTA board member wrote in an August op-ed that the bill’s sponsors “are trying to bring right-wing, Trump-style censorship to California schools while undermining legitimate efforts to fight antisemitism.”
Wiener said Trump’s heavy-handed approach to antisemitism at U.S. universities has complicated efforts for California lawmakers to address the issues.
“It’s made our lives harder. I understand the sensitivity given the current political environment,” said Wiener. “That said, when you have a large number of Jews, including Jewish parents and Jewish students, coming forward and saying, ‘We have a problem and we need to solve it,’ you shouldn’t just dismiss that or say, ‘Oh, well, it’s too harsh because of academic freedom.’”
He suggested there’s a double standard at play when it comes to arguments about academic freedom and its connection to antisemitism.
“If a teacher started teaching that there were good sides of slavery, I am confident that the school would shut that down immediately and that no one would argue,” Wiener said. “But when it comes to Jews, well, then it’s about academic freedom.”
The Senate Education Committee voted the bill out of committee unanimously, and it was approved by the Senate Appropriations Committee on Thursday night. It still needs to be passed by the full state Senate and then go back to the Assembly, all by the end of the week, when the legislative session ends, in order to make it to Newsom’s desk for his signature. A spokesperson for Newsom declined to comment.
AP Photo/Abbie Parr
U.S. Senator Amy Klobuchar, left, and Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, right, arrive at a press conference ahead of the U.S. Gymnastics Olympic Trials Monday, June 24, 2024, in Minneapolis.
Good Tuesday morning.
In today’s Daily Kickoff, we report on House Minority Whip Katherine Clark’s walkback of her previous comment that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza, and spotlight the Democratic primary in California’s 32nd District, where Rep. Brad Sherman is facing challenges from two millennial political neophytes. We talk to Gaza Humanitarian Foundation head Johnnie Moore about recent threats made against him by anti-Israel activists, and report on a campaign to boycott Israel within the American Association of Geographers. Also in today’s Daily Kickoff: Rabbi Berel Wein, Santa Ono and Pierre Poilievre.
What We’re Watching
- We’re keeping an eye on ceasefire efforts in Cairo, following Hamas’ acceptance of a Qatari- and Egypt-proposed deal. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed on Monday night to move forward with plans to take over Gaza City, saying that “enormous pressure” had pushed Hamas to accept the partial-ceasefire proposal.
- In a post to his Truth Social site on Monday, President Donald Trump said that “we will only see the return of the remaining hostages when Hamas is confronted and destroyed.”
- Today marks the first yahrzeit, or Hebrew anniversary, of the deaths of six hostages in Gaza, including Israeli American Hersh Goldberg-Polin, whose family is holding a memorial this evening in Jerusalem.
- With the House and Senate out for the August recess, a number of legislators are making trips abroad. Sens. Joni Ernst (R-IA) and Markwayne Mullin (R-OK), as well as Rep. Jason Smith (R-MO), are among the legislators in Jordan this week. The delegation met with King Abdullah II yesterday in Amman.
- U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee is holding a virtual briefing at noon ET today with the American Jewish Congress.
- In Washington, the Hudson Institute is hosting the White House’s Seb Gorka for a conversation about counterterrorism and the U.S.’ approach to addressing global terrorist threats.
What You Should Know
A QUICK WORD WITH JI’S JOSH KRAUSHAAR
If there is one word to describe the political mood in dealing with rising antisemitism, it would be apathy. Even the most jaw-dropping displays of anti-Jewish hatred — from abject Holocaust denial on far-right podcasts to support for Hamas’ atrocities on the extreme left — are increasingly responded to with shrugs from mainstream political leaders.
The most recent example of obvious antisemitism being ignored by a party’s political class came out of Minnesota, where we reported about Minneapolis Democratic mayoral candidate Omar Fateh — running as a democratic socialist against sitting Mayor Jacob Frey — hiring top staff who celebrated Hamas’ Oct. 7 terror attacks.
In normal times, a candidate would be ashamed to be associated with extremists, and would immediately cut ties with the offending staffers. Not long ago, having ties to that type of extremist rhetoric would be disqualifying for the candidate as well.
But these are not normal times. Not only has Fateh, a state senator, ignored the controversy entirely, but the local and national media has been uninterested in following up on Jewish Insider’s reporting about the radical operatives on Fateh’s team.
Even more shocking: Two of Frey’s most prominent backers, Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz — have remained silent when asked about their thoughts about the antisemitism stemming from an endorsee’s political rival. It’s a sign that many mainstream Democrats fear that speaking out against antisemitism or anti-Israel extremism could lead to a backlash from other grassroots supporters.
At best, it’s a sign that speaking out against hate carries few political benefits these days.
CLARK’S CLARIFICATION
AIPAC stands by Katherine Clark as she walks back ‘genocide’ comment

After a video surfaced last week of Rep. Katherine Clark (D-MA), the House minority whip, referring to Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide, Clark walked back the remark on Monday — and maintained her endorsement from AIPAC amid the controversy, a spokesperson for the group told Jewish Insider’s Gabby Deutch. “Last week, while attending an event in my district, I repeated the word ‘genocide’ in response to a question,” Clark told the Jewish News Syndicate on Monday. “I want to be clear that I am not accusing Israel of genocide. … We all need to work with urgency to bring the remaining hostages home, surge aid to Palestinians and oppose their involuntary relocation, remove Hamas from power and end the war.”
Sticking by her: AIPAC spokesperson Marshall Wittmann told JI on Monday that the organization will stick by Clark, the No. 2 Democrat in the House. “We appreciate that the congresswoman clarified her remarks, as Israel is fighting a just and moral war against a barbaric terrorist enemy. Our endorsement is unchanged and based upon her long standing support for the U.S.-Israel relationship,” Wittmann said.





































































