The meeting was one of Noem’s highest-level sit-downs with Jewish leaders since taking office
Courtesy Secure Community Network
Michael Masters, the CEO of the Secure Community Network, meets with Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem, July 2025.
Michael Masters, the CEO of the Secure Community Network, sat down last week with Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem amid a push from Jewish community groups for additional security resources to address rising levels of antisemitism.
The meeting was among the most high-level sit-downs between Noem and Jewish communal leaders since she took office.
“The secretary is very, very clear in her understanding and commitment to addressing the threat environment, particularly as it pertains to the faith-based community and the Jewish community and deeply understands the issues and concerns facing the community … and the scope of the department in being able to do that,” Masters told Jewish Insider in an interview on Wednesday.
SCN supported Noem during her confirmation process, and Masters said that she “evidenced a clear understanding and appreciation for the importance of this issue,” and called their sit-down “an encouraging sign.”
He also praised the work she’d done in her prior role, as governor of South Dakota, to protect the state’s Jewish community and understand its needs.
Masters said he and Noem discussed the threats facing the Jewish and other faith-based communities and the ways that SCN has worked with DHS in the past.
“So many of these threats are crossing over different faith based communities and historically, the department has been a convener and coordinator and supporter of efforts of the faith-based community to come together to address those as a whole,” Masters said. “And she firmly embraces that, I think, as a public official and as a person.”
The Department of Homeland Security did not respond to a request for comment.
Masters said that leaders across the federal government, including at the FBI, DHS, Department of Justice and the White House, understand that, “you cannot disassociate the safety and security of the Jewish community from the safety and security of the broader faith-based community, or from the domestic, homeland and national security of the United States.”
One priority for Masters in the meeting, he said, was pushing for the release of the application for 2025 Nonprofit Security Grant Program Funding, which opened on Monday.
“That was the focal point, and has been the focal point for many of our conversations,” Masters said, adding that he was “very encouraged” to see the applications open following his meeting and a push from various other Jewish community stakeholders and lawmakers.
“There’s going to be a bunch of follow-up related to the condensed time frame,” he continued, “and then the remainder of the supplemental. We will be able to turn our attention to that once we get through the current push of getting people’s applications in for this year’s awards.”
Organizations applied last year for a tranche of more than $100 million in NSGP funds provided through last year’s national security supplemental funding bill that has yet to be awarded or released.
Another issue Masters said he’d spoken about with Noem was the plan to cut the majority of the DHS’s Intelligence and Analysis (I&A) division’s staff; Masters wrote to Noem directly earlier this month to offer recommended reforms and overhauls for that office.
“We have worked with I&A since its creation,” Masters said. “There are significant efficiencies to be found [but] I&A is the only statutorily authorized entity that has a responsibility and a mission set related to state, local, tribal and territorial law enforcement and private nonprofit sector partners. It needs to do a much better job of servicing those stakeholders and there are dedicated men and women in I&A who have worked to do that.”
He said that Noem has already been working toward some of the same goals he outlined, including sending DHS agents out of headquarters in Washington and into the field to work on critical issues on the ground.
“Many of us who served in law enforcement and the associations that are currently dealing with I&A — and certainly SCN — we support this effort, but it will be a work in progress for some time,” he said, explaining that the office’s mission and mandate has shifted between and during various administrations.
“All of us are committed, from law enforcement and those of us who deal in the security space, to working to support the effort to make sure that I&A can be as effective as it can be, that it is fit for its mission, it’s sized for its mission and that it’s structured in a way that allows it to be effective,” Masters continued.
Masters, along with Anti-Defamation League CEO Jonathan Greenblatt, Jewish Council for Public Affairs CEO Amy Spitalnick and national law enforcement leaders, also attended a private roundtable with members of the House Homeland Security Committee’s Counterterrorism and Intelligence Subcommittee last week.
“For the fourth consecutive year, antisemitic violence and acts of terror have risen in all 50 states. This is not a localized issue—it’s a national crisis,” Rep. August Pfluger (R-TX) said in a statement. “Last week’s roundtable provided an important opportunity to hear directly from law enforcement officials and Jewish community leaders about this alarming surge.”
He said the participants made clear the need for “stronger interagency coordination, enhanced intelligence sharing, targeted training, and robust enforcement.”
He vowed to work with colleagues to take action and address antisemitism.
“Silence in the face of antisemitism is complicity. Hatred and bigotry have no place in America, and every person deserves to live without fear,” he said.
Masters said that the Jewish and law enforcement leaders were “all aligned in the importance of addressing the threat environment facing the Jewish community, in the importance of addressing hate crimes broadly, and in the necessity of strong, consistent, predictable funding for law enforcement.”
He said they’d discussed issues including I&A and the need for strong collaboration and communication to address threats to the Jewish community and the country as a whole.
“I deeply appreciated the opportunity to meet with the committee on the rise in antisemitic violence and the concrete steps necessary to protect our communities,” Spitalnick told JI, adding that she had advocated for NSGP funding to be released.
“There is still significant work to be done to ensure this critical security program is properly funded and the dollars are moved quickly to protect our communities,” she continued. “We also made clear that the crisis of antisemitism and broader extremism requires a whole-of-government and whole-of-society solution — aimed at building resiliency to hate and violence in the first place. Yet too many programs — such as hate crime prevention grants — have been frozen, cut or insufficiently funded at levels that do not match the dire need.”
ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt: ‘I'd like to see the extremes marginalized so the vast majority of members of Congress on both sides can get the stuff done that needs to happen’
Marc Rod
Lawmakers gather on the Capitol steps on June 10, 2025 for a vigil for Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim, Israeli Embassy staffers who were killed in an anti-Israel attack.
It’s been two months since the Capital Jewish Museum shooting in Washington and the Boulder, Colo. firebombing attack.
The two attacks prompted unified condemnation from lawmakers and calls from the Jewish community for Capitol Hill to take aggressive action against the escalating antisemitism crisis in the United States. But as Congress heads into its August break, that initial momentum has produced little concrete action.
The House and Senate have passed resolutions condemning the attacks, but key legislation related to antisemitism remains stalled, even as lawmakers individually and in groups continue to press for action.
There are still no clear prospects for passage of the Antisemitism Awareness Act, a key element of congressional efforts to address antisemitism, after a contentious Senate committee meeting in April in which Democrats, joined by Republicans including Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), voted to add amendments that most Republicans supporting the bill view as nonstarters. House leaders have made no public moves to advance the legislation.
And despite calls from Jewish groups for significant increases in nonprofit security funding to as much as $1 billion next year and a push from a bipartisan coalition of lawmakers for $500 million, the funding levels under consideration in the House are so far little different from those discussed in prior years.
One Republican senator working on the Antisemitism Awareness Act told Jewish Insider they have not seen much movement among colleagues who have continued concerns about the legislation, in conversations with those colleagues and the White House.
The senator said they are frustrated by unresolved disputes about the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism on the Republican side of the aisle, noting as well that there are steps the administration can take independently.
Jonathan Greenblatt, the CEO of the Anti-Defamation League, said at a press conference last week that “there needs to be, for sure” more focus from Congress on tackling antisemitism. A key part of that, he said, will be sidelining extreme voices.
“I think too often extremes on both ends kind of warp the conversation and insist that the definition of antisemitism somehow needs to include things like the false charge of ‘the Jews murdered Jesus,’ or the claim that anti-Zionism is never antisemitism,” Greenblatt said, alluding to the objections from both sides of the aisle to the Antisemitism Awareness Act.
“All the Jews didn’t murder Jesus, and anti-Zionism is antisemitism. I think I’d like to see the extremes marginalized so the vast majority of members of Congress on both sides can get the stuff done that needs to happen once and for all,” he continued.
Several sources familiar with the situation said that the bill is “stuck,” for the moment. Senate Republicans could attempt to bring the bill to the floor and utilize procedural means to eliminate the poison-pill amendments added to the bill in the Senate Health, Education Labor and Pensions Committee, but that would require Democratic support and could rehash the same ugly debates seen in the HELP committee.
It could also be added to a must-pass legislative package — but that same plan failed last year.
A source who has advocated for the legislation said that the recently passed budget reconciliation package sapped attention for antisemitism legislation in recent months, but argued that passing the Antisemitism Awareness Act is critical because there are no realistic alternative proposals for tackling antisemitism on Congress’s agenda at this point.
The Senate has also been focused on confirming presidential appointees.
The source said that advocates for the bill need to find strategies to work around the obstacles to the legislation, “and that has not been easy,” but insisted that they and others are not giving up on the bill.
“There just hasn’t been a lot of legislation [moving] in general,” Nathan Diament, the executive director of public policy for the Orthodox Union, said — arguing that the slow progress is not unique to the Antisemitism Awareness Act or antisemitism generally.
Sen. Jacky Rosen’s (D-NV) office told JI that she is continuing to advocate for the Antisemitism Awareness Act, and is also looking at potential other legislation that could move forward on antisemitism. Rosen, the co-chair of the Senate antisemitism task force, is the lead Democratic sponsor of the Antisemitism Awareness Act.
Senate Republicans had vowed, coming into the majority, to pass the bill.
“Republican control of the Senate means that this institution will no longer turn a blind eye to the growing threat of antisemitism in our country or the numerous threats that our ally Israel faces on all sides,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) told JI after Republicans won the Senate majority. “We will empower committees to advance legislation addressing antisemitism and protecting students on campuses, and we will increase oversight into Iran’s malign actions.”
On the House side, Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY) told JI last week that “we’re working on” the Antisemitism Awareness Act. Pressed on whether Congress is moving strongly enough to respond to antisemitic violence, Lawler said, “It continues to be a strong focus of mine and many of my colleagues, and we’re working through the legislation.”
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) did not respond to a request for comment.
Observers believe the House, which passed the bill last year only for it to fail to move forward in the Senate, is waiting on the Senate to move first this year and prove that it can pass the bill.
Another source argued that, given the action the administration has taken to address antisemitism on college campuses, the Antisemitism Awareness Act is “less necessary” in the near term.
On NSGP funding, the House Appropriations Committee approved a bill that would allocate $335 million for the program in 2026 — the same funding level that the House backed for the program in 2025, though final funding levels ultimately fell short of that mark.
The Senate Appropriations Committee, meanwhile, has yet to finalize its homeland security funding bill. Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT), the ranking member of the subcommittee responsible for such funding, told JI last week that lawmakers are “still negotiating” it.
Congress will have just a month to finalize government funding or pass a stopgap bill when it returns from August recess.
A Republican senator working on the issue said they’ve been focusing on ensuring that outstanding NSGP funding for this year is disbursed from the administration before turning to the appropriations process for next year.
“First things first on it, let’s get the grant money out so people can actually create a more secure environment where they’re physically located,” the senator said. The administration opened applications for the 2025 grant program on Monday, but some supplemental funding remains to be allocated.
Diament said that Congress is in the “fourth or fifth inning out of nine” on government funding, and that the process will likely play out mostly in September or October. He also argued that, given the “tight fiscal environment,” particularly for homeland security funding, the fact that advocates were able to secure a $30 million increase in NSGP funding from the initial proposed level of $305 million, on a bipartisan basis in the House Appropriations Committee is very “valuable in the process going forward.”
In “the later innings of the process, it laid very good groundwork” for further bipartisan movement to increase funding as the process proceeds, Diament continued. “We made sure to work it on a bipartisan basis and we’re moving in the right direction.”
“Given everything else on the legislative calendar and where we are on the legislative calendar, I don’t feel like we’re behind,” he continued.
Rep. Don Bacon (R-NE), a co-chair of the House antisemitism task force, asked about congressional action on antisemitism last week, said that “there’s a place for legislation” but argued that other steps are also needed to make antisemitism unacceptable in public discourse.
“In the end, Americans have to speak out on this,” Bacon said at a press conference on legislation aiming to tackle support for terrorism on social media. “We have to make it like it’s embarrassing to be standing on that side saying those things. So we got to speak up. And you can’t legislate that.”
Several Democrats said last week that more needs to be done legislatively to tackle antisemitism.
“We’ve had an unlimited amount of hearings, and the speaker has now come out with a security plan [for members] for the summer, and a lot of that, obviously, is tied to the amount of hate and threats that we are getting, but we still haven’t passed the Antisemitism Awareness Act,” Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-FL) said. “No, we’re not doing enough to combat antisemitism and other forms right now of hate and demagoguery that’s going on.”
“The language and the culture, it’s just completely toxic,” Moskowitz continued, adding that Congress is “also not doing enough on the security grants. … They gave ICE $140 billion. We’re trying to get more money for security when the community is in grave danger, and these threats are out of control, at all-time levels.”
Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) said that “there can never be too much focus on antisemitism, and I see, frankly, too little right now, in light of events that are unfolding around the country.”
“I wish there were more focus on bias and bigotry of all forms, because it is growing, and so is violent extremism and the confluence of the two make for a very dangerous recipe for potential disaster,” Blumenthal continued.
Rep. Brad Schneider (D-IL), a co-chair of the House Jewish Caucus, said that “it’s not business as usual” on antisemitism, and that lawmakers are “working on it and we’re trying to take constructive steps.”
But he added that “we have to do more. We’re seeing antisemitism rising all across the country, being normalized in ways that should never be normalized” on both sides of the political spectrum.
Schneider said that “it is critical that everybody, Democrats, Republicans, House, Senate, stand together, stand united against anti semitism and not what about ism in here, we need to stand against hate. But antisemitism is rising at a rate that should give everyone concern.”
He primarily blamed Republicans for the lack of progress on legislation like the Antisemitism Awareness Act.
Jewish Insider’s congressional correspondent Emily Jacobs contributed reporting.
But his initial reticence in speaking out against anti-Israel Democratic leaders in his state could become a vulnerability in the red-state contest
Allison Joyce/Getty Images
Former North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper
Former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper’s decision to seek the Democratic nomination for North Carolina’s open Senate seat has equipped the party with a moderate standard-bearer with a strong relationship with the state’s Jewish community.
But his handling of anti-Israel activism within the North Carolina Democratic party is expected to become an issue in the Senate race, one that Republicans are already seeking to exploit.
Cooper served two terms as North Carolina governor, winning close contests even in elections when President Donald Trump carried the state. He previously served four terms as the state’s attorney general, where he compiled a tough-on-crime record that allowed him enough bipartisan support to win in a red-leaning state. In his nearly four decades in state politics, Cooper has never lost a race, notching a 16-0 record.
In recent years, Cooper has been forced to address issues of antisemitism among political leaders in the state — one against a Republican rival, and one involving activists within his own political party.
Cooper said he decided to pass up consideration for the role of Vice President Kamala Harris’ running mate because he didn’t want former Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson, a Republican with a history of posting racist and antisemitic content online, to temporarily assume the governor’s responsibilities. (North Carolina’s constitution states that the lieutenant governor, who is elected separately from the governor, assumes power in an acting capacity when the governor leaves the state.)
Cooper told Politico last July that Robinson, who has quoted Adolf Hitler, downplayed the Holocaust in social media posts and referred to himself as a “black Nazi” in an online porn forum, had previously claimed he was the acting governor while Cooper was traveling to Japan on official business.
“I was on a recruiting trip to Japan,” Cooper said, referencing a trip in October of 2023. “He did claim he was acting governor. He did a big proclamation and press conference while I was gone. It was something about support for the state of Israel. It was obviously to make up for all of his antisemitic comments that he’d made, his denial of the Holocaust that he’d made over the years.”
But when confronted with anti-Israel extremism within his own state party, Cooper has been more cautious.
The former governor did not initially weigh in on the resolution passed by the North Carolina Democratic Party last month calling for an arms embargo on Israel, as well as on the other anti-Israel measures adopted by the state party. An advisor to Cooper told CNN at the time that the former governor “generally does not opine on party resolutions.”
Reached for comment on the state party measures by Jewish Insider on Monday, Cooper said in a statement that he opposes the resolutions.
“I don’t agree with the party resolution, and Israel is an important ally. Israel needs to take seriously the job of getting humanitarian aid into Gaza right now. The hostages must be returned and I continue to pray for a swift end to this war and a meaningful peace in the region,” Cooper told JI.
Former Rep. Wiley Nickel (D-NC), who was considering running for the Senate before Cooper announced his candidacy, had condemned the resolution as an “extreme” measure that amounted to a “death sentence for thousands.”
North Carolina Gov. Josh Stein, a Democrat and the state’s first Jewish governor, similarly expressed disapproval with the resolutions to JI on Monday.
“I disagree with the party’s anti-Israel resolutions and believe that our state party should focus on issues we’re facing here in North Carolina like the high cost of living, harmful cuts to people’s health care, and rising levels of antisemitism, Islamophobia, and other forms of hate. What’s happening in Gaza is devastating. Israel must allow in food and humanitarian supplies; Hamas must free the hostages; and they must work to achieve a just and lasting peace,” Stein told JI.
The National Republican Senatorial Committee, Senate Republicans’ campaign arm, have repeatedly hammered Cooper over his initial silence on the matter.
“Cooper’s silence exposes his true character as a radical, pro-Hamas leftist and sends a clear message to Jewish North Carolinians that he’s with the extremists in his party and not them,” Nick Puglia, NRSC’s regional press secretary, said in a statement at the time of the vote.
Cooper offered his thoughts on Israel’s war with Hamas during an interview with the Technician, North Carolina State University’s news site, last March that has since been scrubbed from their website but is available through online archival services, stating that he believes, “This war is devastating. We’re seeing innocent civilians killed.”
“What you have is a terrorist organization, Hamas, that runs Gaza, who invaded Israel and committed atrocities, still holds hundreds of people hostage. At the same time, in Israel’s attempts to defend itself and to rid itself from Hamas, you’re seeing devastating consequences to civilians, women and children,” Cooper told the outlet. “I know that the president is working very hard toward a ceasefire, toward providing aid to Gaza, and that there’s so much hard work going on behind the scenes and now even more publicly, to make sure that the hostages are released, and to make sure that peace is brought to this area of the world.”
“There needs to be a two-state solution here. We need the Arab countries to come together. But I do know that this Biden administration will work hard toward peace. You’re not going to see that from Donald Trump, who talks about how much he admires dictators across the world. That’s not going to be the solution to this,” he continued.
Pointing to the anti-Israel protests taking place on campuses last spring, Cooper added that, “It’s wonderful to live in a democracy when people’s voices can be heard and they’re unafraid to protest. In many countries, that’s not the case.”
In his tenure as governor, Cooper made North Carolina the 37th state in the nation to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism. Cooper signed the SHALOM Act, which adopted the IHRA language as the state’s official definition of antisemitism, last July after it passed the state House and Senate in bipartisan fashion.
“Defining antisemitism is important to stopping it, and this new law helps do that as antisemitic incidents are on the rise. While we protect the right to free speech, this legislation helps to make our state a more welcoming, inclusive and safe place for everyone,” Cooper said in a statement on the bill.
In the month after the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks on Israel, he co-signed a letter with 10 fellow Democratic governors to congressional leaders urging more funding for the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s Nonprofit Security Grant Program, amid an uptick in “threats in the Jewish and Muslim communities,” according to a press release from his office.
“Many houses of worship in North Carolina rely on the Nonprofit Security Grant Program to protect their congregations, and I encourage Congress to pass more funding for this vital program during this time of increased threats. The right to worship freely and without fear is fundamental to our country, and we are doing everything we can to protect that here in North Carolina,” Cooper said in a statement on the letter.
One Jewish political leader: ‘No one thinks it’s going to be good for the Jewish community to be hostile and to be in constant war with the next mayor’
Spencer Platt/Getty Images
Democratic socialist candidate Zohran Mamdani, who won the Democratic primary for mayor of New York City, attends an endorsement event from the union DC 37 on July 15, 2025, in New York City.
In recent weeks, a creeping sense of frustration has settled in among many Jewish leaders in New York City as they have reckoned with the dawning reality that no one is stepping up to organize opposition to Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee for mayor. Without a well-funded outside effort, Mamdani faces few obstacles in the general election despite numerous political vulnerabilities.
The complacency comes even as top Democratic leaders in New York have so far declined to endorse Mamdani, whose antagonistic views on Israel and democratic socialist affiliation have engendered criticism. But with a divided field of warring and baggage-laden candidates, Jewish leaders have privately voiced disappointment at the current state of the race.
“Big-money people are talking every week about how we have to do something, but I haven’t seen a real plan,” said one Jewish community leader who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations. “People are just grasping,” he added. “There’s a sense of frustration out there and fear of a letdown.”
“You can’t beat somebody with nobody,” another Jewish leader said in assessing Mamdani’s rivals, including incumbent Mayor Eric Adams, former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo and Curtis Sliwa, the GOP nominee — all of whom have so far resisted pleas to suspend their campaigns in order to avoid splitting the vote.
While some independent expenditure committees are preparing to spend heavily in the race to target Mamdani, an assemblyman from Queens whose far-left policies have provoked anxiety among Jewish New Yorkers, moderate voters and business leaders, the Jewish leader expressed skepticism that such efforts would ultimately “make a difference” as long as the election remains crowded with multiple opponents.
In the Hasidic enclave of Williamsburg, “the rank and file and donors are concerned” about Mamdani, said a source familiar with the situation. “But at the leadership level, people are mostly thinking that it’s a foregone conclusion” that Mamdani will prevail in November. “There’s not much to do and we have to start adapting and have to try to make amends with him and work with him.”
Jim Walden, an attorney, is also running as an independent alongside Adams and Cuomo, who in recent days have exchanged criticism as Mamdani, leading most polls with a plurality of the vote, stayed away from the headlines while celebrating his recent marriage in his birthplace of Uganda.
In the Hasidic enclave of Williamsburg, “the rank and file and donors are concerned” about Mamdani, said a source familiar with the situation. “But at the leadership level, people are mostly thinking that it’s a foregone conclusion” that Mamdani will prevail in November. “There’s not much to do and we have to start adapting and have to try to make amends with him and work with him.”
“No one thinks it’s going to be good for the Jewish community to be hostile and to be in constant war with the next mayor,” the source said on Monday. “For the community’s sake, we have to move on.”
As the anti-Mamdani coalition has struggled to coalesce more than a month after his shocking primary upset, the organized Jewish community is now largely taking a “wait-and-see” approach to the upcoming election, several Jewish activists told Jewish Insider on Monday.
David Greenfield, who leads the Jewish anti-poverty group Met Council and has been a fierce critic of Mamdani, said that many Jewish leaders are “watching closely to determine if he’ll moderate his socialist positions now that he has secured the Democratic nomination.”
“Zohran has floated possibly keeping NYPD Commissioner Jessica Tisch and that has caught the attention of several community leaders,” Greenfield told JI. “Currently, the race is quiet, partly due to Zohran himself being on vacation this month, but we expect it will significantly heat up again after Labor Day.”
A Jewish political activist who was not authorized to speak on the record echoed that assessment, even as he noted that some Jewish community leaders have been seeking to register new voters and working on “community structuring” in advance of the general election.
Still, he speculated that “if the race stays as is, then there will be a quiet shift to have conversations with Mamdani.”
For now, most mainstream Jewish groups remain hesitant to meet privately with Mamdani, according to a Jewish activist familiar with the matter, but the Democratic nominee has stepped up his outreach to Jewish voters and elected officials — while slightly softening his widely criticized defense of the slogan “globalize the intifada,” a phrase that many Jews interpret as a call to antisemitic violence. Mamdani has refused to personally condemn the slogan, but recently said he now discourages its use, marking a reversal from his primary comments as he seeks to grow his coalition.
“We’re planning to get started in August with messaging,” Jeff Leb, a political consultant who is leading a new super PAC called “New Yorkers for a Better Future Mayor 2025,” said on Monday. “I don’t think that people are sleeping on Zohran,” he said of the race. “I just think they’re making sure they have the resources they have to be active. Right now it’s a little bit early.”
Despite his evolution on the phrase, Mamdani remains a staunch opponent of Israel, backing the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement he has indicated he could implement if elected. He has also suggested he would not visit Israel as mayor — defying a long-standing precedent in a place that is home to the largest Jewish population of any city in the world.
There are, to be sure, a range of anti-Mamdani initiatives underway in the Jewish community and beyond — some of which are expected to pick up in the coming weeks as summer begins to wind down after a period of relative inactivity, people involved in the efforts told JI.
Jeff Leb, a political consultant who is leading a new super PAC called “New Yorkers for a Better Future Mayor 2025” that plans to raise at least $20 million to hit Mamdani, told JI the group has in recent weeks held Zoom calls with more than 500 people and secured commitments as it readies attacks “to educate the public on Zohran’s priorities.”
“We’re planning to get started in August with messaging,” Leb said on Monday, noting that the super PAC is currently “candidate-agnostic” and will get behind Adams or Cuomo later in the race when polling indicates who is most favored. “I don’t think that people are sleeping on Zohran,” he said of the race. “I just think they’re making sure they have the resources they have to be active. Right now it’s a little bit early.”
Meanwhile, Eric Levine, a top GOP fundraiser in New York and a board member of the Republican Jewish coalition, is now organizing a fundraiser for Adams on Aug. 13, featuring former New York Gov. David Paterson and several donors from the legal and financial communities, according to an invite he has circulated within his network in recent days.
The Flatbush Jewish Community Coalition, which endorsed Cuomo in the primary but has not made a decision in the general election, recently launched a voter registration drive to boost Jewish turnout in November, Josh Mehlman, the group’s chairman, said on Monday.
The organization is expecting to register “tens of thousands of new voters,” Mehlman confirmed in a statement to JI. “With the political turbulence and antisemitism that unfortunately surrounds us, it is more clear than ever that the importance of every resident registering to vote for the upcoming and future elections will shape the quality of life and security of our communities,” he explained. “Our renewed efforts reflect that urgency.”
“No one wants to be fighting with the guy,” one Jewish leader said of Mamdani, acknowledging his rhetoric on Israel had evolved but not far enough to satisfy his most ardent skeptics. “No one wants to be in this position. But at the same time, I would put the onus on him. He’s the one who’s going to need to make changes.”
Sara Forman, the executive director of the New York Solidarity Network, a local pro-Israel group whose super PAC endorsed Cuomo in the primary, said the organization is now “keeping a close eye on everything that’s happening” in the race “and on its impact on the Jewish community,” while cautioning against “premature” conclusions at this stage of the election.
“Whether the field of candidates is able to coalesce in some way and what that looks like in September is very different from the end of July,” she told JI on Monday.
Privately, many Jewish leaders have fretted about the seemingly disaggregated and inchoate efforts to oppose Mamdani at a pivotal point in the race — as the current field continues to remain unsettled with limited time until the election.
“No one wants to be fighting with the guy,” one Jewish leader said of Mamdani, acknowledging his rhetoric on Israel had evolved but not far enough to satisfy his most ardent skeptics. “No one wants to be in this position. But at the same time, I would put the onus on him. He’s the one who’s going to need to make changes.”
The social media app hired Erica Mindel, a former Jewish communal professional, to lead the company’s hate speech policy, with a focus on antisemitic content
Photo Illustration by Mateusz Slodkowski/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In this photo illustration a TikTok logo is seen displayed on a smartphone.
TikTok recently hired a new hate speech manager with long-standing ties to the Jewish community, the company confirmed to Jewish Insider, as the social media platform faces growing pressure to confront a sharp rise in antisemitic content.
The streaming platform enlisted Erica Mindel, a former State Department contractor who worked for Ambassador Deborah Lipstadt, the Biden administration’s special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism, to join TikTok’s global public policy and government affairs team.
The hire comes as TikTok has drawn accusations that it has failed to address a spike in antisemitic and anti-Israel content in the wake of Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, terror attacks and amid the ensuing war in Gaza.
In her newly created role, Mindel will “develop and drive the company’s positions on hate speech,” seek to “influence legislative and regulatory frameworks” and “analyze hate speech trends,” with a particular focus on “antisemitic content,” among other duties cited in an official job description shared by TikTok.
Mindel, who previously served as an assistant director of program development at the American Jewish Committee, according to her LinkedIn profile, had briefly worked for the special envoy’s office in the second Trump administration before she was hired by TikTok, the company told JI.
Mindel declined to comment on her new position, which was first reported by The Washington Free Beacon.
The role was initiated after a “high-level convening” the Anti-Defamation League “helped organize last year,” said Dan Granot, the ADL’s national director of antisemitism policy, who in a statement to JI on Sunday said the position was raised as “a key recommendation for all social media platforms” during the meeting.
“In a moment when too many social media platforms are scaling back efforts to fight hate, ADL welcomes TikTok’s establishment of a role focused specifically on hate speech and antisemitism,” Granot added, praising Mindel as a “trusted partner who understands the issue and the stakes, and someone we’ve worked with closely in the fight against online hate.”
TikTok, a popular video app owned by ByteDance, the Chinese technology company, has been facing a looming U.S. ban that President Donald Trump has continued to delay in a series of executive orders. In the interim, the app has worked to address criticism over its handling of antisemitic content — which had become a public relations crisis in the aftermath of the Oct. 7 attacks.
The platform has drawn widespread accusations that it has enabled a surge of misinformation and hateful messaging targeting Jews. The actor Sacha Baron Cohen — who was among a group of Jewish celebrities and content creators that met privately with TikTok in 2023 — said the app was “creating the biggest antisemitic movement since the Nazis.”
The Jewish Federations of North America, meanwhile, last year called TikTok “the most popular social media platform driving antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiments,” arguing the company “has helped fuel a horrific spike in antisemitism” in the aftermath of Oct. 7.
While research has indicated that some TikTok users who amplify antisemitic rhetoric have been able to sidestep the company’s moderation policies, other findings suggest messaging that is contrary to the Chinese government’s positions — such as posts supporting Israel after Oct. 7 — is generally suppressed on the platform.
The U.S. ban, which passed in Congress last year amid national security concerns over the Chinese-owned app and would require the streaming company to find a new buyer or shut down, even fueled its own antisemitic conspiracy theory on TikTok alleging Jews were behind the ban and had outsized control of American politics.
TikTok says it has worked on efforts that have “strengthened policies against hate speech and hateful behavior” amid the war in Gaza, according to a statement issued on the one-year anniversary of Hamas’ attacks.
In materials shared with JI by TikTok, the company said it has implemented “some of the strictest rules against hate, including antisemitism,” citing, among other things, its decision to “name antisemitism as a hateful ideology” in community guidelines, its “zero tolerance policy for antisemitic conspiracy theories and narratives” and efforts to “block searches” for “blood libel,” ‘holohoax” and other terms used on the app.
Despite such efforts, TikTok has continued to face scrutiny. Last month, a bipartisan group of 41 lawmakers wrote to the CEOs of TikTok, Meta and X pressing them to take action “regarding disturbing and inflammatory content circulating” on their platforms “in support of violence and terrorism” following a recent series of antisemitic attacks in Washington and Boulder.
Last week, Reps. Josh Gottheimer (D-NJ) and Don Bacon (R-NE), alongside ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt, announced the reintroduction of the STOP HATE Act, which seeks to crack down on antisemitism spreading on social media platforms such as TikTok.
Still, Granot, the ADL’s national policy director, said that the group looks “forward to continued collaboration” with TikTok as the streaming app works with its newly hired hate speech manager.
“While the impact of this role will ultimately be measured by what it delivers,” Granot told JI, “its creation is a promising sign of TikTok’s willingness to take these challenges seriously.”
Jewish Insider’s U.S. editor Danielle Cohen-Kanik contributed reporting.
A series of contradictory and confusing measures paint a picture of an organization struggling to stake out a position on the controversial issues that have divided its members
Kristoffer Tripplaar/Sipa via AP Images
A logo sign outside of the headquarters of the National Education Association (NEA) labor union in Washington, D.C. on July 11, 2015.
With a unanimous vote last week rejecting a measure that would’ve cut ties with the Anti-Defamation League, the board of directors of the National Education Association extended an olive branch to frustrated Jewish educators and parents who are concerned about creeping antisemitism within the union’s ranks.
ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt told Jewish Insider earlier this week that he was “pleased” to see the NEA reject the anti-ADL measure. But, he added, the union still has a “long way to go” toward making clear that it respects the Jewish community.
Greenblatt’s lingering concern is a sign that the NEA — the largest teachers’ union in the country, with more than 3 million members — has not entirely placated Jewish communal stakeholders. In fact, additional questions have continued to emerge in light of an NEA document that encourages teaching the “Nakba” and that erases antisemitism from the history of the Holocaust.
The Washington Free Beacon reported this week on the NEA’s 2025 handbook, a 434-page report outlining the organization’s “visionary goals” and “strategic objectives.” Among the items included in the dense document are dozens of measures that passed at last year’s “representative assembly,” a convening of the organization’s top leaders from around the country — the same group that, this year, voted to censure the ADL. Several of them have raised eyebrows in the Jewish community.
For instance, the NEA pledged to “celebrate” International Holocaust Remembrance Day with educational materials on the union’s website that “recognize the more than 12 million victims of the Holocaust from different faiths, ethnicities, races, political beliefs, genders, and gender identification, abilities/disabilities, and other targeted characteristics” — with no mention of antisemitism or the Jewish victims of the Nazis. (Another item said that in January, to mark the remembrance day, the NEA’s website will feature a graphic that says “Stand up Against Antisemitism” around a Jewish star.)
One measure said the NEA will use digital communications “to educate members about the difference between anti-Zionism and antisemitism.” Another section promised to “educate members and the general public about the history of the Palestinian Nakba,” or catastrophe, the word Palestinians use to describe the founding of the State of Israel and affiliated displacement of Palestinians.
These contradictory and confusing measures paint a picture of an organization struggling to stake out a position on the controversial issues that have divided its members.
One measure pledges to adopt an antisemitism education plan; meanwhile, another measure seeks to “defend educators’ and students’ academic freedom and free speech in defense of Palestine at K-12 schools, colleges and universities.” It is not clear how any of these goals will be achieved — or what position the NEA will take if the objectives ever come into conflict with each other.
The NEA and its statewide affiliates have faced scrutiny in the two years since the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks over the politicization of education about Israel and Gaza in classrooms. A report last year found that Massachusetts educators were introducing anti-Israel material into schools. In California, the statewide NEA affiliate began a lobbying push this month against a bipartisan antisemitism bill.
Reversing the anti-ADL measure looked like a step forward for the NEA, but it also came with a step backward. An ADL spokesperson said the “problems identified” in the NEA handbook “underscore how much work it has to do to earn the trust of the Jewish community, Jewish educators and families.”
Some of the measures in the handbook are considered offensive by some Jewish community leaders, but other measures are explicitly focused on countering antisemitism and earned the blessing of Jewish communal leaders. While the contradictory language regarding Jewish issues can create whiplash, it might also open an avenue for dialogue with the union.
An NEA spokesperson declined to comment on any specific measures.
“This document is not a handbook for use in the classroom, but a compilation of the more than 100 resolutions adopted by NEA last year,” NEA President Becky Pringle told JI in a statement. “The NEA has opposed antisemitism throughout its history and is deeply committed to ensuring the safety and inclusion of Jewish educators and students. The NEA regularly shares resources and supports educator workshops on Holocaust education, antisemitism, and ways to promote understanding of Jewish culture, heritage and history.”
The senator asked several pro-Israel organizations to refrain from involvement in races where he endorsed candidates without Jewish communal support
Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images
Sen. Mark Kelly (D-AZ) talks to campaign volunteers on Election Day on November 08, 2022 in Tucson, Arizona.
Sen. Mark Kelly (D-AZ) is facing new scrutiny from some Jewish community leaders in Arizona who are frustrated by his endorsements boosting the activist left in a series of recent House primaries in which he has withheld support for pro-Israel candidates and has even worked to actively oppose their campaigns behind the scenes, according to people familiar with the matter.
Kelly’s engagement has strained what had been seen as a positive relationship with the pro-Israel community in Arizona, according to multiple local Jewish leaders who have voiced disappointment with his approach. Meanwhile, his recent interventions have raised questions about the political motivations of the Democratic senator in a key battleground state who has long been associated with his party’s moderate, centrist wing.
The most recent source of tension with Jewish and pro-Israel leaders stems from Kelly’s endorsement of Adelita Grijalva in a Tucson House primary this month to succeed her late father, former Rep. Raul Grijalva (D-AZ), a longtime critic of Israel who died in March.
While the younger Grijalva, a former Pima County supervisor, has a limited record of commentary on Israel and Middle East policy, her affiliation with a range of far-left leaders, including Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), has raised concerns among mainstream Jewish activists who favored one of her primary opponents, Daniel Hernandez, a former state lawmaker and pro-Israel progressive.
Grijalva, who struggled to articulate her positions on key issues such as conditioning aid to Israel — suggesting during the race, for instance, that U.S. involvement in the ongoing conflict “has not been helpful at all” — handily won the primary and is all but assured a seat in the deeply Democratic district.
“Senator Kelly supports Adelita because she’s ready to fight for his home district in Congress, and clearly the district agrees,” a spokesperson for Kelly said in a statement to Jewish Insider on Thursday. “He respects that some folks may have a difference of opinion, and values the strong relationships he has in the Arizona Jewish community.”
Still, the pro-Israel community in Arizona was troubled that Kelly had bolstered her campaign, owing in part to their differences in tone on Middle East policy. Among other issues, Grijalva called for a ceasefire just 10 days after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, terror attacks, whereas Kelly expressed continued support for Israel in the aftermath of the incursion and faced protesters outside his Phoenix office who demanded he back an end to the war. While serving as a county supervisor, Grijalva had also reluctantly voted for a resolution condemning Hamas, voicing frustration that she “couldn’t talk about peace and humanitarian aid” for Gaza.
One Jewish activist in Tucson, who like others spoke on condition of anonymity to avoid reprisals, called Kelly’s endorsement “a slap in the face” to the pro-Israel community in Arizona. “He tries to make himself seem like a very moderate, pro-Israel guy — especially when he’s fundraising,” the local activist claimed. “There’s a lot of mistrust in the community right now.”
From an even more personal standpoint, the senator and his wife, former Rep. Gabby Giffords (D-AZ) — who also endorsed Grijalva — have long been close with Hernandez and his family. In 2011, Hernandez, who was then a 20-year-old intern for Giffords, had been credited with helping to save her life immediately after she was shot in the head by a gunman during a political event in the Tucson area.
Despite such history, Kelly privately urged a leading pro-Israel group, Democratic Majority for Israel, to stay out of the primary, according to people familiar with the matter who spoke with JI this week. The organization’s political arm, DMFI PAC, ultimately endorsed Hernandez a month before the election, but it did not invest financial resources in the race, where polling indicated he was unlikely to prevail. He came in third place with just 14% of the vote.
“If you know the story, your mouth was wide open,” one Jewish community leader in Arizona remarked on Kelly’s decision to oppose Hernandez. “It could easily have been ‘I can’t help you but I’m not going to hurt you.’ But it wasn’t — it was like a stab in the heart.”
In a statement to JI on Wednesday, a spokesperson for DMFI PAC — which has backed Kelly in both of his previous Senate races — said the group “makes its own decisions on endorsements and spending,” adding, “No one else does.”
Hernandez did not respond to a message seeking comment.
Thomas J. Volgy, a former mayor of Tucson and a professor of political science at the University of Arizona, pushed back against accusations that Kelly is now emboldening the party’s far left. He said that Kelly is “not a single-issue politician” and had likely endorsed Grijalva based on “his understanding that she was the most qualified candidate in the field” — and “because she is consistent with his position on a range of issues, including on Israel but also across the spectrum.”
In a more closely contested Phoenix House race last cycle, Kelly had also engaged in private outreach to AIPAC, asking the pro-Israel lobbying group to keep away from the open-seat race in which he endorsed Raquel Terán, a left-leaning former state lawmaker and party chair, according to people with knowledge of the situation.
Like Grijalva, Terán, a prominent progressive activist who drew support from Squad-aligned House members, refused to publicly clarify her views on key Middle East policy questions during the race, fueling concerns among Jewish leaders who had backed Yassamin Ansari, a former vice mayor of Phoenix endorsed by DMFI’s political arm. Terán had also drawn criticism from Jewish community members over her decision to oppose an antisemitism reporting bill that had been widely approved by the Arizona state Legislature while she was in office.
In his outreach to AIPAC, whose super PAC has engaged in several recent primaries, Kelly sought to allay reservations with Terán’s continued lack of clarity on Middle East policy issues, offering assurances that if she were elected, he would help to personally oversee her House votes related to Israel, according to people familiar with the situation.
A spokesperson for AIPAC, which chose not to get involved in the race last year, declined to comment.
Ansari, the first Iranian-American to hold public office in Arizona who had explicitly opposed placing conditions on aid to Israel, won the primary by just 39 votes after a closely watched recount, buoyed in part by nearly $300,000 in outside spending from DMFI PAC.
Jason Morris, a pro-Israel activist and attorney in suburban Phoenix who supported Ansari and was informed of Kelly’s conversation with AIPAC during the race, said he found the senator’s endorsement of Terán “baffling,” and he voiced skepticism about the senator’s apparent proposal to serve as a counsel on Middle East issues in Congress.
Morris acknowledged that he assesses candidates “from a much more narrow perspective than the senator,” a former NASA astronaut and Navy pilot who is perhaps best known for his advocacy on gun control. But he said that Kelly’s efforts have left an impression that the senator is largely unconcerned about rising hostility toward Israel within the party, arguing that his endorsements are, inadvertently or not, “fueling the left and the most progressive Israel haters in the Capitol.”
Jewish and pro-Israel activists in Arizona have been puzzled over Kelly’s moves, with some speculating that he is seeking to appease the left even as he continues to be identified as a moderate Democrat. “He’s watched the party shift to the left in Arizona,” one pro-Israel leader told JI, arguing that Kelly has helped “create a permission structure” in the state for establishment Democrats to support candidates who are not seen as dependable allies on Israel. “I think he thinks he can have his cake and eat it too.”
“He wants to make sure that he’s got cred with the lefties,” another Jewish community leader said of Kelly, who saw his national profile rise last year as he was cited among a handful of candidates under consideration to be former Vice President Kamala Harris’ running mate. “In the Jewish community in Arizona, there’s a growing anxiety of, is this what’s to come?”
Kelly, who has visited Israel at least twice since the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks, has maintained his support for Israel in the Senate, even as he has been a critic of Israel’s military actions in Gaza and its handling of the unfolding humanitarian crisis in the enclave.
Last year, he raised the prospect of conditioning aid to Israel if the country did not “do better” to prevent civilian deaths in Gaza, though he later clarified that he was not yet ready to support such measures.
More recently, he has registered concerns with President Donald Trump’s decision to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities without congressional approval. In April, Kelly, who serves on the Senate Armed Services Committee, was among just three Democrats who broke with his party to confirm Elbridge Colby as under secretary of defense for policy — despite the nominee’s public skepticism of support for Ukraine and comments on containing a nuclear Iran that had provoked anxiety in the pro-Israel community.
But while some pro-Israel leaders in Arizona have interpreted such activity as a sign that Kelly is now beginning to gradually move away from reflexively backing Israel, Morris, the Phoenix-based attorney, said he is more concerned about what he called the senator’s “indifference” to the pro-Israel community as it raises objections to his recent endorsements in key House races.
“Ultimately,” Morris told JI in a recent interview, “you have to conclude that this is about what’s best for the senator — and not necessarily what’s best for the pro-Israel community.”
Greenblatt told JI: ‘We've got a long way to go to make sure that the ADL and our community is respected for who we are’
Jemal Countess/Getty Images for Anti-Defamation League
Jonathan Greenblatt speaks onstage during the 2024 ADL “In Concert Against Hate” at the Kennedy Center Concert Hall on November 18, 2024 in Washington, DC.
Days after the National Education Association walked back a decision by its members to cut ties with the Anti-Defamation League, ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt praised the move but cautioned that the union still has a “long way to go” toward making clear that it respects the Jewish community, he said in an interview on Monday.
“I am glad that they recognize what’s wrong about calling out the most consequential organization fighting antisemitism at a time of rising antisemitism,” Greenblatt told Jewish Insider. “Yet at the same time, there are elements of even the statement that lead me to believe that we’re still in this fight. We’ve got a long way to go to make sure that the ADL and our community is respected for who we are.”
While the board of directors of the NEA — the largest teachers union in the country — condemned antisemitism in the statement released last week, the board also stated that the organization’s rejection of the anti-ADL measure was “in no way an endorsement of the ADL’s full body of work.”
Further, the NEA called on the ADL “to support the free speech and association rights of all students and educators.”
“We strongly condemn abhorrent and unacceptable attacks on our members who dedicate their lives to helping their students thrive,” the NEA’s board of directors continued. “Our commitment to freedom of speech fully extends to freedom of protest and dissent whether in the public square or on college campuses.”
That rhetoric surprised Greenblatt, who said he was “pleased” to see the NEA shoot down the anti-ADL measure but concerned and confused about the inclusion of language that he viewed as a swipe at the ADL.
“The idea that the ADL — which, of course, all of our work is predicated on protecting the First Amendment — that we are ‘not supporting the free speech of all students and educators?’ Give me a break. Find the evidence to even support this assertion,” Greenblatt said. “We don’t have a problem with freedom of assembly. We have a problem with those people who use that speech to slander Jews or other minorities. We have a problem with those who use the right to associate to attack Jews and other marginalized communities.”
The NEA and the ADL have never had a formal partnership, Greenblatt confirmed. The ADL would be “amenable” to working more formally with the NEA, but he said their relationship was “not quite that far along.”
A Jewish activist told JI, ‘I’m concerned by Fateh’s endorsement, but I’m more concerned about the movement that produced the endorsement for him’
Trisha Ahmed/AP Photo
Minnesota Sen. Omar Fateh, of Minneapolis, speaks in front of the state capitol building in St. Paul, Minn., on Monday, Feb. 12, 2024.
Jewish community activists in Minneapolis are voicing concerns about the rise of state Sen. Omar Fateh, a far-left lawmaker who, in a surprise upset, narrowly clinched the state Democratic Party endorsement on Saturday against incumbent Mayor Jacob Frey.
Fateh, a 35-year-old democratic socialist, has rarely commented on Israel or rising antisemitism during his time in the state Senate, even as he called for a ceasefire in the war between Israel and Hamas just 10 days after the Oct. 7, 2023, terror attacks.
But his close alliances with anti-Israel voices such as the Twin Cities arm of the Democratic Socialists of America — which backs efforts to boycott and divest from Israel — have raised questions over his approach to key issues and his potential outreach to the organized Jewish community as he vies for the mayorship.
In its mayoral endorsement questionnaire, the DSA asked candidates to pledge “to refrain from any and all affiliation with the Israeli government or Zionist lobby groups” — citing AIPAC, J Street and even the nonpartisan Jewish Community Relations Council.
Fateh’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment about whether he signed the pledge, but its existence is “alarming,” said Ethan Roberts, the deputy director of the Jewish Community Relations Council of Minnesota and the Dakotas.
“It’s instructive that Fateh sought and received the DSA endorsement,” Roberts told Jewish Insider in an interview on Monday. “There’s obviously a clear contrast between Mayor Frey, who’s a Democrat — and Sen. Fateh, who’s a DSA-er.”
Still, Roberts echoed other community activists in warning against drawing parallels between Fateh’s victory and Zohran Mamdani’s recent upset in New York City’s mayoral primary, noting that the party’s endorsement is not necessarily reflective of broader voter sentiment in Minneapolis — even as it comes with organizational muscle that could help to boost his insurgent campaign.
Fateh, a Muslim of Somali descent, celebrated his endorsement from the state party over the weekend as “a message that Minneapolis residents are done with broken promises, vetoes and politics as usual,” he wrote on social media.
For his part, Frey, a Jewish Democrat seeking what would be his third and final term as mayor, is appealing the vote, alleging that several ballots had gone uncounted during the state party convention. His campaign filed a formal challenge with the state party on Monday.
“Everyone who endured this multi-hour convention process deserved to have their voices heard,” Sam Schulenberg, the mayor’s campaign manager, said in a statement on Monday, while pointing to what he dismissed as a “highly flawed process that clearly missed or did not count a large percentage of the votes cast.”
Frey, the second Jewish mayor to represent Minneapolis, has been outspoken against rising antisemitism in recent years, and has butted heads with the City Council over anti-Israel resolutions he has dismissed as one-sided.
If the endorsement of Fateh holds, it will “create a lot of headwinds” for Jewish party activists, Manny Houle, a pro-Israel party strategist in Minneapolis, told JI, anticipating a challenging relationship with Fateh and his allies on the left.
“We always have an open hand, but if somebody bites it we don’t keep our hand extended — and we expect that to be the same here,” Houle said. “He’s surrounded by a lot of people who have made their positions clear.”
Houle also pointed to emerging concerns about a DSA-backed resolution that abruptly passed near the end of the convention on Saturday — opposing any city investment or contracts with what it called “entities complicit in the occupation and genocide in Gaza.”
Houle said he was working with some groups that are preparing challenges to the resolution, saying that it could cause “long-term issues” for the Jewish community — particularly in “how it is pigeonholed around the conflict” in the Middle East. “There’s no nuance in this conversation anymore,” he told JI.
One Jewish party activist, who spoke on condition of anonymity to address a sensitive topic, said that the resolution was “emblematic” of his reservations around Fateh’s bid.
“I’m concerned about what this means for Jewish safety in Minneapolis,” he told JI. “I’m concerned about what his relationship will be with local Jewish organizations, if he’s elected.”
Yiscah Bracha, a Jewish activist involved in local Democratic politics, also expressed concerns about the trajectory of the race as Frey now finds himself playing defense.
“I’m concerned by Fateh’s endorsement,” she said, “but I’m more concerned about the movement that produced the endorsement for him.”
The 78-year-old congressman, who co-chairs the Jewish Caucus in the House, has been working to build support for Mamdani in the Jewish community
Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images
Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-NY) arrives to view proceedings in immigration court at the Jacob K. Javitz Federal Building on June 18, 2025 in New York City.
Rep. Jerry Nadler (D-NY) is facing backlash from some Jewish community leaders over his efforts to boost Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee for mayor of New York City whose criticism of Israel and refusal to condemn calls to “globalize the intifada” have stoked accusations of antisemitism.
Nadler, the dean of New York City’s congressional delegation and co-chair of the House Jewish Caucus, endorsed Mamdani shortly after his stunning upset over former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo in last month’s primary, and he has been working behind the scenes to build support for the nominee within the Jewish community, sources told Jewish Insider.
The 78-year-old congressman organized a meeting on Monday between Mamdani and state and local Jewish elected officials, some of whom chose not to join because of Mamdani’s hostility toward Israel, according to one person familiar with the matter.
Nadler’s advocacy has fueled frustration and anger among some local Jewish community activists and elected officials who oppose Mamdani and feel that the congressman is misguided in his support for the democratic socialist Queens assemblyman whose stances on Israel he has long rejected. Others suggested that Nadler chose to endorse Mamdani simply to ward off a primary challenge from his left as he plans to seek reelection next year — amid speculation he could soon retire from the House.
Nadler’s support for Mamdani stands in sharp contrast to the lack of endorsements for the Democratic mayoral nominee from some of the state’s leading New York Democratic officials, including Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY), House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY), Gov. Kathy Hochul and Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY).
Kalman Yeger, an Orthodox assemblyman from Brooklyn who has called Mamdani “one of the most vile antisemites in public office,” said of Nadler that “many people are disappointed that someone who considers himself a pro-Israel Democrat and fighter against antisemitism would endorse the assemblyman just a day after the primary, without addressing any of the multitude of his troubling positions.”
“I have no idea why the congressman felt the need to make his endorsement, but it’s certainly fair to question his judgment and commitment to standing up for the safety of Jewish New Yorkers,” Yeger, a former city councilman who shared representation with Nadler of the Hasidic enclave of Borough Park in Brooklyn, told JI on Monday.
Nadler, for his part, has said he has spoken to Mamdani “about his commitment to fighting antisemitism,” but the congressman has remained relatively quiet with regard to their differences on Israel. While Mamdani has long backed the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement against Israel, for instance, Nadler has characterized BDS as a form of “pernicious antisemitism” and touted his “opposition to efforts legitimize and expand” the movement “within New York’s higher education institutions.”
Mamdani, 33, has also repeatedly declined invitations to speak out against the phrase “globalize the intifada,” which critics view as a call to antisemitic violence.
Nadler’s congressional colleagues in New York who have so far refrained from backing Mamdani — including Schumer and Jeffries — have indicated that Mamdani’s continued refusal to condemn the slogan remains a key sticking point in their evaluation of the nominee as he seeks to shore up Democratic support.
Mamdani, who is facing a crowded general election field including Cuomo and Mayor Eric Adams, both running as independents, has rejected accusations of antisemitism, while pledging to protect the safety of Jewish New Yorkers amid a rise in anti-Jewish hate crimes.
A spokesperson for Nadler said the congressman has “reiterated” to Mamdani that he is “a strong Zionist and that he believes in a democratic Jewish state,” which the nominee has declined to support.
“We are working with him to inform him about concerns within the Jewish community,” the spokesperson told JI, noting that the meeting with Jewish leaders on Monday was a part of such outreach and that the nominee “is listening.”
Mamdani’s team did not respond to a request for comment about the meeting with Jewish officials brokered by Nadler.
Some Jewish community activists expressed anger that Nadler has helped validate Mamdani among Jewish voters without first having sought public reassurances other Democratic leaders seem to be awaiting.
“There’s definitely a frustration that Jerry just endorsed him for free, so to speak,” said one Jewish leader who asked to remain anonymous to speak candidly, claiming that Nadler had “thrown the Jewish community under the bus” to protect his seat in Congress.
Jeff Leb, a political consultant involved in Jewish causes who is helping to organize a newly created anti-Mamdani independent expenditure committee, said Nadler had “sold out” the Jewish community in backing the nominee, adding that the congressman is “clinging to his seat.”
“He is very, very nervous about having a progressive opponent backed by Zohran if he makes the bad decision to run again,” Leb told JI on Monday.
Nadler’s team insisted that he is not concerned about a challenge, even as the congressman’s district — which covers Manhattan’s Upper East and West Sides — voted overwhelmingly in favor of Mamdani and Brad Lander, the Jewish comptroller who cross-endorsed with the nominee during the primary.
'You should write about what you know, and if there’s anything we know, it’s Jewish summer camp,' producer Shai Korman told JI
K180 Studios
Sarah Podemski stars as Camp Daveed's director Mara.
As summer heats up, Jewish adults looking for an escape from the fraught state of world Jewry may find themselves reflecting on a seemingly simpler time — getting competitive over color war or gaga ball and singing Debbie Friedman songs around a campfire at Jewish sleepaway camp.
That sense of nostalgia for one’s Jewish summer camp years is doled out liberally in “The Floaters,” a new film that centers on the fictional Camp Daveed and a group of outsider teens called the floaters.
“The Floaters” tells the story of Nomi (Jackie Tohn), who is freshly ousted from her rock band and reluctantly takes a job from her best friend Mara (Sarah Podemski), who is now camp director at their childhood Jewish summer camp. Nomi is charged with producing the camp play with the group of “Breakfast Club”-inspired campers.
The comedy was filmed at Camp Tel Yehudah in Barryville, N.Y. — where the film’s three sibling producers grew up, and where their parents met. “You should write about what you know, and if there’s anything we know, it’s Jewish summer camp,” Shai Korman, who produced the film alongside his sisters, Lily and Becky, told Jewish Insider. The movie was directed by Rachel Israel and written by Brent Hoff, Andra Gordon and Amelia Brain.
Korman told JI that “The Floaters” — which began production about a month before the Oct. 7, 2023, terrorist attacks in Israel — was not created to counter rising antisemitism. Rather, Korman said, “our goal was expanding and deepening the definition of how Jews are represented on screen.”
“We try to push the movie beyond lox and bagels,” he said, noting that the sibling trio specifically aimed to “put on screen Jewish women that exemplified the Jewish women that raised us, that were leaders and mentors.” Camp Daveed is run by women, from camp director Mara to the camp’s rabbi, Rabbi Rachel.
Several iconic films, such as “Wet Hot American Summer” and “Meatballs,” were also inspired by Jewish camps. But in “The Floaters,” “we talk about the rules of kashrut,” Korman said. “You see Orthodox and secular kids all together, reflecting the world we grew up in.”
Korman said an important aspect of that representation was casting all of the Jewish roles with Jewish actors — which includes Persian, Latino and Asian Jews.
“Making these kind of stories does help combat negative stereotypes about Jews,” Korman told JI. “But we came from it more from the joyful affirmative we want to expand.”
Like most summer camps itself, the movie is apolitical. Still, it doesn’t shy away from briefly talking about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and other debates within the Jewish community. In one scene, campers make maps of Israel out of ice cream. “That’s the kind of thing that used to happen at camp when we were there,” Korman reflected. A counselor responds that one of the maps holds the solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
In another scene, Rabbi Rachel pushes for discussions about “the hard stuff,” including Israel and “all the ways the Torah has excluded or offended you.” The idea is rejected by the camp director, who says she would get angry calls from parents if those seminars took place.
“If people go away from this movie thinking it’s some kind of political statement, they might want to take a moment of reflection, because what we’re doing is showing an authentic experience,” Korman said. “The movie is not about Israel, but Israel is part of the fabric of the story and the environment because that’s what Jewish summer camp is like.”
“The Floaters” premiered in June for a mostly non-Jewish audience at the Bentonville Film Festival in Arkansas. While the film has specific details that “only camp kids would know,” Korman said — for example, the chaos that ensues after dairy spoons are switched with meat ones in the camp’s kosher kitchen — “for people who aren’t Jewish,” he continued, “it will make them excited to either learn more or feel like they’re in on it. We believe the more specific you get, the more universal you can be.”
Currently only available for private screenings, the film’s West Coast premiere is slated for Aug. 3 at the closing night of the San Francisco Jewish Film Festival.
Columbia’s Hillel director said that the university is on track for a large incoming class of Jewish freshmen next year
CHARLY TRIBALLEAU/AFP via Getty Images
Students are seen on the campus of Columbia University on April 14, 2025, in New York City.
Earlier this year at a symposium in New York City, Jewish scholars gathered to analyze the recent surge of antisemitism on college campuses and debate whether Jewish students still belong at the country’s elite bastions of higher education.
“I certainly don’t think that we should abandon great citadels of learning or be chased out of them, although to be there takes fortitude that I don’t think should be asked of every student,” Rabbi David Wolpe, a former visiting scholar at Harvard University Divinity School, said during the event’s opening address. “So I’m going to give a selective answer: it depends who.”
Over the next two months, college freshmen will embark on new chapters at universities around the country. Many Jewish students have found appeal in other top schools, such as Vanderbilt in Nashville, Tenn., and Washington University in St. Louis, where administrators were quick to enforce university rules amid rising antisemitism in the aftermath of the Oct. 7, 2023, terrorist attacks, and therefore avoided much of the chaos that played out on other campuses.
But some Jewish students are still seeking admission to the country’s most prestigious schools.
Who are these students making the choice to display the fortitude that Wolpe referenced by attending Columbia and Harvard —- two Ivy League campuses that have been beset by nearly two years of controversy over anti-Israel encampments and classroom disruptions, physical assaults of Jewish students and battles with the federal government, including potential loss of accreditation — over an alleged failure to address antisemitism?
Leah Kreisler, a recent graduate of Winston Churchill High School in Potomac, Md., decided in ninth grade that she wanted to attend Columbia. Kreisler plans to enroll in Columbia’s dual-degree program with the Jewish Theological Seminary and will begin next year, following a gap year in Israel.
Recent events have only reinforced Kreisler’s dream of attending the storied institution. “Columbia has always had a politically charged environment and I honestly think that fits a part of who I am,” she told Jewish Insider. “I like having those kinds of discussions and engaging with people I disagree with. That spirit drew me to the school.”
She’s also hopeful that by the time she arrives at Columbia for the 2026-27 school year, “things will get figured out.” The university is in talks with the federal government to restore the institution’s federal funding, which was slashed in March due to the antisemitic demonstrations that have roiled the campus since Oct. 7.
Still, Kreisler admitted she’s “a little bit scared” to face antisemitism, which she hasn’t directly encountered in her tight-knit D.C. suburb with a sizable Jewish community. “There will probably be people in the streets doing antisemitic things,” she said, noting that she often gets “weird looks from Jewish members of the community” when she shares her plans to attend Columbia.
Laura Hosid runs a private business in Potomac guiding high school students through the college admissions process. She works with many students like Kreisler who are “often willing to overlook [antisemitism] at schools like Harvard and Columbia, if they can get in,” Hosid, who is Jewish, told JI.
“At slightly less selective schools, though, it’s more of a factor,” she said. “Students are willing to look away if there’s too much anti-Israel stuff.”
“Jewish life at Columbia is Dickens-esque: the best of times and the worst of times,” said a Jewish Columbia alum who requested to remain anonymous. “There are real challenges, but at the same time, you can go to Columbia Hillel, the Kraft Center for Jewish Life, and access the most interesting people in the world. Bob Kraft shows up for events,” he said, referencing the billionaire owner of the New England Patriots for whom the center is named.
“I’m certainly not discouraging students if they are interested in schools like Columbia and Harvard,” Hosid continued. “I’m just making sure that they are well aware of what’s going on there and how it compares to what the climate is like at other schools.”
A Jewish Columbia alum who requested to remain anonymous told JI that he still sees his alma mater as “an amazing New York City school with an incredible alumni network.” So he was supportive when his daughter, an incoming Columbia freshman, committed to the university.
“Jewish life at Columbia is Dickens-esque: the best of times and the worst of times,” he said. “There are real challenges, but at the same time, you can go to Columbia Hillel, the Kraft Center for Jewish Life, and access the most interesting people in the world. Bob Kraft shows up for events,” he said, referencing the billionaire owner of the New England Patriots for whom the center is named.
In 1967, Columbia’s student body was 40% Jewish, according to a Jewish Telegraphic Agency report at the time. But even as Jewish enrollment at Columbia has declined since then, it still has one of the highest percentages of Jewish undergraduates in the Ivy League, at an estimated 22%. “The numbers for this year’s incoming class are quite strong,” Brian Cohen, executive director of Columbia Hillel, told JI.
Cohen said that the center’s “top priority is to make sure that every Jewish student feels seen and supported and part of a vibrant Jewish community from the moment they arrive at Columbia University.”
“Everything we hear anecdotally is that the number of applications of Jewishly involved students to Harvard were stable — if not increased — from last year to this year,” said Rabbi Jason Rubenstein, the director of Harvard Hillel.
That’s been Hillel’s goal for years — even before antisemitism reached record highs on campus. But Cohen noted that for the past two academic years, “everything is ramped up.”
“We want to make sure that when we meet students and families face-to-face they already have some idea of who we are and the relationship isn’t starting from square one,” he said, outlining two priorities. “One is that students understand that they are entering into this thriving, diverse Jewish community on campus. [The second is] that, should any problems arise during their time at Columbia, they have trusted resources to go to that are easily accessible and can help support them in navigating the various university processes.”
Rabbi Jason Rubenstein, the director of Harvard Hillel, is similarly spending the summer preparing for a new class of Jewish students. He’s hearing less concern around antisemitism from incoming students and their parents compared to last year. “I think that’s a combination of all of us adjusting our baselines and knowing what we’re getting into, and that last year was calmer on campus than the year before.”
Like Columbia, Harvard has had billions of dollars in federal grants and contracts frozen by the Trump administration. The university filed suit against the government in April, claiming that the cuts violate the First Amendment. A 300-page antisemitism report released by the university in April described “severe problems” that Harvard’s Jewish students have faced in the classroom, on social media and through campus protests.
“Everything we hear anecdotally is that the number of applications of Jewishly involved students to Harvard were stable — if not increased — from last year to this year,” Rubenstein said. Ramaz, a Modern Orthodox Jewish day school in Manhattan, for instance, admitted five students to Harvard the past admissions cycle, with four planning to attend. “That’s the highest in living memory,” Rubenstein said.
One of the Ramaz graduates starting at Harvard this fall is Stella Hiltzik, who grew up hearing “incredible stories” from her mother’s time on the Boston campus. “But it wasn’t until I visited Harvard last year that I decided that was the place I wanted to be,” Hiltzik, whose major is undecided, told JI. She was drawn to Harvard “even despite all of the crazy things happening on campus” after seeing “how supportive, warm and comforting Jewish life on campus is — especially the Chabad. It feels like a sense of home,” Hiltzik said.
“Despite everything going on, when I say I’m going to Harvard, most people are proud of me and supportive,” Hiltzik continued. “But there are some people who ask me, ‘What are you thinking?’ For me, it’s honestly a cool conversation to have, because I get to tell them how I’m excited to be a Jewish voice on campus during these hard times.”
“Despite everything that has happened at Columbia,” Leah Kreisler, a recent graduate of Winston Churchill High School in Potomac, Md., said, “I don’t think that the solution to antisemitism is to remove ourselves from these institutions. That’s been my mentality throughout the college [application] process.”
“Jewish students are not being dissuaded,” Rubenstein said. “Which is a great thing because some people are chanting ‘Zionists are not welcome here’ and the one thing they most want is Jewish students to not come here.”
Students like Hiltzik and Kreisler offer a quiet rebuke to the billionaire alums of the Ivies who have begun to withhold their considerable donations. One Israeli venture capitalist went as far as to try to lure Jewish students attending Ivy League schools to transfer to universities in Israel.
“Despite everything that has happened at Columbia,” Kreisler said, “I don’t think that the solution to antisemitism is to remove ourselves from these institutions. That’s been my mentality throughout the college [application] process.”
“People shouldn’t be afraid to go to any of these schools,” echoed Hiltzik. “At the end of the day, you’re going to get a good education and you’re going to show everyone how cool it is to be a proud Jew. I feel, in a sense, that this is my version of fighting for my people.”
The congressman once again declined to endorse Zohran Mamdani in the NYC mayoral race but said he is ‘likely to win’
Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images
Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-NY) is seen in the U.S. Capitol on Friday, June 28, 2024.
Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-NY) said Wednesday that he’s unlikely to mount a primary challenge against New York Gov. Kathy Hochul, after months of circling a potential run for that office.
“I’m unlikely to run for governor. The assault that we’ve seen on the social safety in the Bronx is so unprecedented, so overwhelming that I’m going to keep my focus on Washington, D.C.,” Torres, a favorite of the Jewish community, said on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe.” “So, my heart lies in Washington, D.C. I feel like now, more than ever, we have to fight the catastrophe that is the Trump presidency.”
Hochul’s lieutenant governor, Antonio Delgado, already declared his candidacy against the governor.
Torres also once again declined to endorse Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee for New York City mayor, but said Mamdani is “likely to win.”
“There’s a difference between praising the man in his policies and praising the manner in which he ran his campaign. I mean, when it comes to how he ran his campaign, he’s genuinely a singular figure,” Torres said. “We do have an obligation to learn from his race. And I suspect he won not because he ran on divisive issues like ‘globalize the intifada’ or ‘defund the police.’ He ran on affordability.”
Torres said he spoke to Mamdani on Sunday and that they have “profound differences of opinion, and I’m not going to downplay those differences, but I’m committed to a working relationship with him. I’m committed to continuing dialogue.” He said that the mayor and the city’s congressional delegation have a “mutually necessary relationship, so we will coexist.”
Two Dallas therapists filed suit against their former employer for discrimination and retaliation, alleging they were terminated for speaking out against a policy barring discussion of religious opinions
BSIP/UIG Via Getty Images
Models
One November afternoon last year, Jackie Junger and Jacqueline Katz, both therapists at a private practice in Dallas, sat down with their colleagues for their weekly team meeting. This one-hour gathering was a lifeline for the therapists, where they could discuss challenges their clients were facing and receive advice from their fellow practitioners.
When a non-Jewish therapist asked for help better understanding a Jewish client who was “experiencing trauma with everything going on,” Junger and Katz — both Jewish — were eager to offer insight about the surge in antisemitism in the United States, in the hopes of helping their colleague better serve her client. But before Junger, 29, and Katz, 61, could speak, their supervisor, Dr. Dina Hijazi, shut down the conversation.
“I don’t think that’s a good idea, because you’ll get a one-sided response,” Hijazi told the therapists, according to legal filings.
The next day, Hijazi emailed the team and asked them to avoid discussing the “Palestine Israel topic” because she has “great pain” around the issue. But no one had mentioned the events in the Middle East at that meeting. Junger and Katz each responded to Hijazi’s note: Why, they wondered, would it be considered “one-sided” for Jewish therapists to speak about their understanding of antisemitism and Jewish trauma?
Over the next five days, Junger and Katz would see their lives upended after they chose to raise concerns about antisemitism and double standards against Jewish practitioners and clients.
That’s the key allegation at the heart of a federal lawsuit that Junger and Katz filed last month against D2 Counseling and its co-owners, Hijazi and Rev. Daniel Gowan. The two Jewish therapists claim they were discriminated against for objecting to their supervisors’ handling of antisemitism — and that, ultimately, they faced unlawful retaliation when they were fired days later. On the Monday before Thanksgiving, both received identical voicemails letting them know they had been terminated, saying they were no longer a “good fit” for D2. (An attorney representing Hijazi and Gowan declined to respond to detailed questions, citing the ongoing legal proceedings. The account in this article is based on an interview with Katz and Junger, allegations in their lawsuit and information shared by their lawyer.)
The incident was jarring for both Katz and Junger, they told Jewish Insider this week. But the biggest travesty, they said, is not that they lost their jobs: It’s that Jewish clients at their old practice should no longer expect to receive the highest level of care — because of their religion.
“This Jewish client — I don’t know who it is, obviously, I just know that it’s a Jewish client who is genuinely seeking support for something that they’re having trouble with in their life. It’s real trauma. I think most Jews can appreciate that it’s really traumatic, what’s happening,” Junger told JI. “And they’re not allowed to get competent health care. They have no clue.”
*****
This case is only a single incident experienced by just two of the nation’s more than 100,000 licensed therapists. But it comes amid what Jewish mental health professionals in the United States have described as an increasingly hostile professional environment, where denunciations of Israel are expected and outright antisemitism is no longer a taboo, particularly after the Oct. 7, 2023, terror attacks in Israel.
Earlier this year, the state of Illinois formally reprimanded a social worker who had created a blacklist publicly naming “Zionist” therapists. (The clinicians included on the list said it was just a pretext for targeting Jews.)
In May, Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-NY) warned of a “persistent and pernicious pattern of antisemitism” at the American Psychological Association, the preeminent professional organization for psychologists in the U.S.
Empathy is supposed to be the central tenet of the mental health field, but compassion and understanding are not always extended to Jewish therapists — or worse, their clients.
“Our role is really to facilitate the discussion, to honor their feelings, and to create a safe space — to create a space that [clients] can communicate what they’re experiencing internally, without any sort of feeling that, ‘I’m going to be shut down or marginalized or not taken seriously,’” Katz explained.
It was clear to Junger and Katz soon after the Oct. 7 attacks that team conversations about what was happening in the Middle East would be different from other issues they’d been discussing for years.
“We talk about current events a lot because these things affect our clients,” said Katz. The D2 team had talked about the war in Ukraine soon after it started; abortion access following the Supreme Court’s overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022; and gun control after a mass shooting at a Texas mall in 2023.
A therapist helping a client work through issues with their sexuality might seek advice from a gay co-worker. Past meetings also included discussions of Mormonism and Islam, according to the complaint filed by Katz and Junger. Hijazi led a conversation about how to help clients who were having an emotional reaction to President Donald Trump’s reelection shortly after it occurred, according to the lawsuit.
“It’s very common to seek peer consultation, supervision from someone who has expertise, whether it’s lived experience or clinical experience,” Junger told JI. “If someone, let’s say, had cancer, and I had a client who’s going through cancer, I might reach out and say, ‘Hey, what would be helpful for me to know?’”
Three days after the Oct. 7 attacks, when the D2 team gathered as they do each Tuesday, Hijazi and Gowan did not address the recent terror attacks.
“We were all very shocked that we weren’t going to address the elephant in the room, as it were, and it quickly fell apart because one of my coworkers brought it up. ‘Aren’t we going to talk about what happened? We’re all very upset and suffering here,’” said Katz. “And it was shut down.”
Lesson learned, according to Katz and Junger: Don’t bring up Israel or Gaza again. It wasn’t an overt order, but the palpable discomfort from Hijazi and Gowan kept a lid on future conversations.
Still, Hijazi’s strong reaction to the conversation about antisemitism a year later, in November 2024, surprised Junger and Katz. No one had mentioned Israel or Gaza. But Hijazi followed up with an email requesting that the “Palestine Israel topic” not be discussed.
“I have great pain around this as I know some of you do as well,” Hijazi wrote in the email, which was shared with JI. “In order for me to work and be present with my clients I have asked that this be kept out of the noon meeting.” (What Hijazi did not share is that her family is Palestinian — a fact her daughter discussed in an online blog post viewed by JI, but one Hijazi didn’t mention to colleagues.)
Katz and Junger did not see how a question about the trauma of a Jewish patient in Texas could be extrapolated to extend to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, nor did they understand why Hijazi chose to shut down future discussions of Jewish trauma. Separately, they each responded with lengthy emails, screenshots of which were included in the lawsuit.
“I believe every single one of us has Jewish clients, and the more we understand, the better we can service our clients,” Junger wrote in her email.
Katz took issue with Hijazi letting her own emotions guide the discussion, a therapist no-no.
“As a managing partner in this practice I think it was essential for you to be able to manage the inquiry without adopting the victim role and personalizing it to your pain,” Katz wrote in another email. “I understand that you were protecting yourself by leaving the room, however the impact was that some of us felt shut down and unheard.”
The matter only escalated from there, playing out like most modern office dramas: over email, leaving a lengthy digital record.
Hijazi banned the expression of “political or religious opinions” in the group meetings, under the rationale of “safety in the workplace.” “Emotional safety for the group,” she wrote, “will always come before personal agendas.”
But Katz and Junger were still unsure what was political about their earlier meeting and decided to press the point about their concern for Jewish clients. “I think your failure to see that this was not a political conversation is a huge blind spot for you,” wrote Katz. Gowan responded by telling her she was “way over the line,” a sentiment Hijazi echoed.
Over that weekend, on Sunday night, Junger chimed in, too. “I would love some clarification, as I am feeling lots of confusion,” she wrote. “Would wanting more clarity on a Black client experiencing racism violate that policy as well? How about talking about a client who is part of the LGBTQ community and experiencing trauma and discrimination? Are we allowed to talk about their lived experience? Or does this rule only apply to Jewish clients?”
That was Junger’s final message to her bosses about the matter. Katz chimed in after, saying she had the same questions.
A day later, they were both fired.
“It was just outrageous behavior on their part, I think, and so punishing, really. You open your mouth here, and this is what happens to you,” said Katz. “If we weren’t Jewish, [the other therapist] wouldn’t have asked us for supervision. If we weren’t Jewish, we wouldn’t have spoken up. If we weren’t Jewish, we wouldn’t have been let go.”
Their contract required D2 to give them 30 days to finish seeing clients. But they were forced to move to a different office, and asked to pay tens of thousands of dollars stemming from a part of the contract with buyout options and a non-compete clause. (They have refused to pay.)
“I knew antisemitism was on the rise, but to have it so blatant in my face in this way was really shocking. It was honestly a little scary,” said Junger.
*****
Winning an employment discrimination suit is not an easy task. But the lawyers at the Lawfare Project and Winston & Strawn representing Katz and Junger are confident that they have a strong case.
“It’s very rare to see a case like this, a discrimination retaliation case like this, where the employer’s actions are so brazen,” said Jaclyn Clark, the Lawfare Project attorney who brought the case. “I strongly suspect that the employer in this instance just thought that they could get away with it … So from my standpoint, beyond just shining a light on the issue of antisemitism in the mental health field, the politicization of Jewish trauma and all of those things, is also to put these smaller employers on warning.”
Orly Lobel, an employment law expert at the University of San Diego who looked over the complaint, described it as “a strong case, since it is all documented with email exchanges and there is no pretextual reason for the termination,” she told JI.
Junger and Katz’s attorneys allege that they faced discrimination as members of a racial minority, leaning on a 1987 Supreme Court ruling as precedent. L. Camille Hébert, a professor at The Ohio State University’s law school, said the race-based argument could be a tougher bar to clear than if the therapists made an argument about religious discrimination. But she noted that the facts laid out in the complaint paint a picture of discrimination.
“If the facts are as alleged, that all subjects were allowed to be addressed in the meetings other than antisemitism, then there might be a cognizable claim of discrimination based on religion. The defense of ‘workplace safety’ seems not to be a particularly strong one,” Hébert said after reviewing the complaint.
*****
Jewish therapists aren’t the only ones worried about antisemitism in the field. People seeking mental health care are, too, and Junger and Katz say they are right to be concerned.
After she was fired by D2, Junger created a list of Jewish therapists in the Dallas area to share with the people in the Jewish community who come to her asking for a referral. Since Oct. 7, she has seen more people seeking out a therapist who understands Jewish issues — and she understands why.
“Maybe a while ago I would have been like, ‘No, it’s a therapist job to [listen]. They’re not political. It’s OK,’” said Junger. “Now I’m like, ‘I get that.’ It makes sense to want to have safety and know that you have a real safe space to be able to process things that are directly impacting us.”
Plus, Bibi plans a Beltway blitz
Jemal Countess/Getty Images for Fair Share America
Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT) speaks at the U.S. Capitol on April 10, 2025 in Washington, DC.
Good Tuesday morning.
In today’s Daily Kickoff, we look at Sen. Chris Murphy’s leftward shift on Israel, and spotlight Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi’s congressional votes and relations with Illinois’ Jewish community as he mounts a bid for Senate. We cover Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s upcoming trip to Washington, and report on a new lawsuit alleging the Nysmith School in Northern Virginia discriminated against Jewish students. Also in today’s Daily Kickoff: Doron Spielman, Karen Diamond and Susan Rice.
What We’re Watching
- Secretary of State Marco Rubio is meeting in Washington today with his counterparts from Japan, China and Australia.
- The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s Aaron David Miller is hosting a web event this morning with former CIA Director David Petraeus and analyst Karim Sadjadpour focused on Israel, Iran and the U.S.
- Former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro is speaking this morning at a Center for International & Strategic Studies event on ties between North Korea and Iran.
- The Christians United For Israel summit continues today in Washington. Virginia Attorney General Jason Miyares, the Brandeis Center’s Ken Marcus and Israel Ambassador to the U.N. Danny Danon are slated to speak today.
- The Aspen Ideas Festival in Colorado wraps up today.
- New York City is slated to release the first round of ranked-choice voting results from last week’s primaries
What You Should Know
A QUICK WORD WITH JI’S JOSH KRAUSHAAR
The political developments over the last week couldn’t send a more dispiriting message about the viability of the political center — in both parties.
Last Tuesday, a self-proclaimed democratic socialist, Zohran Mamdani, who campaigned on a far-left agenda on issues ranging from the economy, crime and antisemitism, emerged as the Democratic standard-bearer for mayor of New York City.
Over the weekend, Sen. Thom Tillis (R-NC), one of the most pragmatic Republicans in the upper chamber, announced he wouldn’t be running for reelection after signaling he’d be one of two GOP votes against President Donald Trump’s “big, beautiful” budget reconciliation bill. His decision to retire came after Trump, in a Truth Social post, threatened to support a primary challenger.
Tillis, notably, was the deciding Republican vote scuttling the nomination of interim D.C. U.S. Attorney Ed Martin for, among other issues, his associations with a Nazi sympathizer.
And on Monday, Rep. Don Bacon (R-NE), one of only three House Republicans who represents a district that former Vice President Kamala Harris won in 2024, formally announced his retirement, making it all the more likely a more-partisan Democratic lawmaker will succeed him in the seat.
These are just the latest developments that underscore that moderation, pragmatism and bipartisanship are becoming endangered principles in a polarized political environment that rewards extremism and hot takes over thoughtful policymaking.
SOLIDARITY SNUB
Connecticut’s Jewish community wonders: What happened to Chris Murphy?

Two days after the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas terror attacks, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT) spoke emotionally at the “Rally for Israel” in West Hartford, Conn. “This is a moment where we are going to have to stand as a nation with greater force, with greater purpose than ever, to make sure that Israel has what it needs,” Murphy said. But members of Connecticut’s Jewish community say Murphy strayed from that promise just weeks later. In late November 2023, Murphy said on CNN that he was open to placing conditions on U.S. aid to Israel, a position that astounded many of the people who had stood with him in West Hartford not long before. Since then, he has emerged as a vocal critic of Israel’s handling of the war in Gaza, and more than 18 months after the attack, the Connecticut Jewish community’s frustration with him has only grown, Jewish Insider’s Gabby Deutch reports.
Veering off: Murphy voted twice in support of resolutions put forward by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) that would block certain arms sales to Israel. Following Israel’s strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, Murphy slammed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for sending the Middle East into a “new, deadly conflict.” His shift to the party’s left flank on Israel comes as Murphy positions himself as a leading voice in the Democratic Party in opposition to President Donald Trump’s policies and builds a stronger public profile for himself. He’s a regular on cable news shows and recently created a new political action committee to encourage protests against Trump, with plans to spend $2 million in the 2026 midterms, sparking rumors that he could mount a presidential bid in 2028. It’s not just Murphy’s foreign policy views that are concerning his Jewish constituents. Recently, the senator has emerged as one of the most prominent boosters of presumptive New York City Democratic mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani, even as some of his Democratic colleagues have raised concerns about Mamdani’s refusal to condemn the phrase “globalize the intifada.”
Communal concerns: Rabbi Tuvia Brander, the spiritual leader of Young Israel of West Hartford, told JI that Murphy’s praise of Mamdani is “so beyond the pale of what is just in the basic interests of many of his constituents.”









































































































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