Sen. Chris Coons (D-DE) and Rep. Greg Meeks (D-NY), who are both expected to hold powerful committee leadership roles if Democrats win both chambers, have recently made legislative moves that signal a harsher stance on Israel
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Sen. Chris Coons (D-DE) speaks at the Senate Appropriations Committee on Capitol Hill on July 14, 2026 in Washington, DC.
If Democrats take control of Congress next year — or even if they win back a majority in only the House of Representatives — expect a legislative agenda that’s a lot tougher on Israel than it has been in a long time.
With growing support among House Democrats for legislation restricting U.S. aid and arms sales to Israel, bills such as the Block the Bombs Act, the Ceasefire Compliance Act or measures similar to this summer’s vote on cutting aid to Israel could come to the House floor, and continued fights over the U.S.-Israel relationship in funding bills and other legislation seem likely.
But the top target for senior Democrats at the moment is targeting settlement activity and settler violence in the West Bank. Asked by Jewish Insider at a press conference on Wednesday what Israel-related legislation Democrats might bring forward for a vote, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY) — who has generally been a reliable supporter of the U.S.-Israel relationship — pointed to a bill imposing sanctions related to West Bank violence.
“That now has broad support across the House Democratic Caucus family [and] is certainly a legislative step that should be considered in order to push back aggressively against the out of control settler violence in the West Bank,” Jeffries told Jewish Insider. “That cannot continue.”
Responding to JI's @marcrod97, Hakeem Jeffries suggested the West Bank Violence Prevention Act — which seeks to curb settler violence by imposing sanctions on perpetrators and potentially Israeli officials — could be up for a vote next year should Democrats take back the House. pic.twitter.com/2S8upRRz37
— Jewish Insider (@jewishinsider) September 23, 2026
The West Bank Violence Prevention Act would reimplement the West Bank sanctions regime established by the Biden administration and repealed by the Trump administration, which sought to penalize Israeli settlers who commit acts of violence. But the legislation also clearly targets members of the Israeli government connected to or who have permitted settler violence, as well as others who have provided support for such activities, a step the Biden administration never took.
The bill has 173 total co-sponsors — more than any other Israel-related Democratic bill introduced this Congress. Its supporters include all top House Democratic leaders, as well as the leaders of several key committees and even several moderate pro-Israel lawmakers.
There’s similar movement on West Bank issues on the Senate side. Sen. Chris Coons (D-DE), generally a strong ally of Israel who is in line to chair the Senate Foreign Relations Committee if Democrats take the upper chamber, introduced a bill on Wednesday with nearly 20 colleagues to sanction companies, financial institutions and Israeli officials involved in settlement construction in the controversial E1 area of the West Bank, which critics say would sever the West Bank from east Jerusalem.
And a separate Senate measure demanding a report on violence in the West Bank and the killings of U.S. citizens by Israeli settlers and security forces — which could trigger the cut-off of U.S. aid to Israel — picked up more than 20 co-sponsors, including Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), generally a strong supporter of the Jewish state.
Also among those expected to hold positions of power Rep. Greg Meeks (D-NY), who is in line to chair the House Foreign Affairs Committee, recently announced a hold on a $2.8 billion sale of bombs to Israel, financed by U.S. foreign military funding.
From their anticipated committee leadership posts, Coons and Meeks would hold significant sway over the direction of Democratic policy on Israel and have particular power to guide hearings on and investigations into the U.S.-Israel relationship, the West Bank and more.
At the same time, Coons is one of the few Senate Democrats who have consistently opposed resolutions led by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) to halt various arms sales to Israel, and Meeks opposed the amendment led by Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) to cut off U.S. aid to Israel.
A Democratic-led Congress would also likely bring more of those efforts to restrict or cut off both aid and arms sales to Israel. More than 100 House Democrats, nearly half of the caucus, supported efforts to cut off U.S. aid to Israel earlier this year. In the Senate, 40 Democrats have voted for at least one of Sanders’ resolutions to halt specific arms sales to Israel, and several Democratic candidates have said they would have voted the same way.
In the House, two bills pushing for stringent conditions on U.S. arms sales to Israel have been gaining steam.
The most prominent — and most punitive — of the bills is the Block the Bombs Act, on which Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Rep. Greg Casar (D-TX) has said his caucus would push for a floor vote in the next term.
The bill would impose unprecedented restrictions on U.S. arms sales to Israel not applied to any other U.S. ally, preventing the transfer or sale of bombs, bomb-guidance kits and tank and artillery ammunition to Israel unless Congress passes a specific law authorizing each individual sale or transfer.
Congress would be required to delineate what specific purposes for which those weapons could be used, and Israel would be asked to provide written assurances that it would comply with those restrictions. Given the gridlock on Capitol Hill and the months it would take to approve any arms sales to Israel — if they could be moved past objections from anti-Israel members at all — critics say the bill would effectively place an arms embargo on Israel for those systems.
Though the Block the Bombs Act started with just 22 co-sponsors in 2025, it has grown to 82, including a handful of more moderate Democrats, a number that is likely to grow further after the midterms, with numerous expected Democratic freshmen pledging on the campaign trail to support the bill.
Alternative measures have been introduced to condition U.S. arms sales to the Jewish state, including the Ceasefire Compliance Act, led by Rep. Sean Casten (D-IL), with 53 co-sponsors. That bill would cut off any arms transfers or sales to Israel if it conducts any strikes inside Gaza, which could only be restored subject to a specific agreement by Israel that it will not use any U.S.-origin weapons inside Gaza or the West Bank.
The legislation would also impose various other conditions on arms sales to Israel related to compliance with the 20-point peace plan for Gaza, the establishment of Palestinian Authority governance in Gaza and steps to prevent West Bank violence or annexation.
Casten’s bill is backed by J Street, the progressive Israel advocacy group that Democratic leaders have increasingly leaned on as a validator on Israel policy issues, such as during the debate in the caucus over the Massie amendment (which J Street opposed).
Speaking broadly, Jeffries told JI that Democrats’ policy should be “anchored in two different principles”: supporting “Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish and democratic state” alongside a peaceful and prosperous Palestinian state to provide “the Palestinian people … the dignity and self-determination that they long deserved.”
Also worth watching: the next U.S.-Israel memorandum of understanding on military aid is set to be finalized during the next Congress. Expect real fights on the Hill, under Democratic leadership, over whether to continue appropriating funding for military aid to Israel and even over the future of U.S.-Israel cooperative military programs in legislation like the National Defense Authorization Act.
Whether negotiators believe that further aid to Israel would actually be passed by a hostile Congress could also be a factor that shapes the MOU itself.
Democratic control of either chamber is also likely to further fuel fights over the future of the U.S. relationship with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, which were a repeated battle in the divided Congress in 2024.
This term, 79 House Democrats introduced legislation to restore funding to the scandal-plagued agency, including Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT), who is likely to chair the House Appropriations Committee in the upcoming term if the Democrats win back the House.
Moulton, who did not directly address Israel policy during the debate, named ending the Iran war as the most important thing that Congress can do in the current moment
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Sen. Ed Markey and Rep. Seth Moulton stand at lecterns ahead of their debate at WWLP-22News on July 8, 2026.
Sen. Ed Markey (D-MA) touted his early support for efforts to block certain U.S. arms sales to Israel during a Senate debate on Thursday with Rep. Seth Moulton (D-MA), who is challenging the Massachusetts senator for his seat.
“Trump had Netanyahu’s back in his unbelievably unconscionable war against Gaza. And that’s why Bernie Sanders and I and Elizabeth Warren, we were [some] of the first 11 who voted against these 1,000-pound bombs going in against Gaza,” Markey said. “The man has no conscience. He has no wisdom whatsoever. He is endangering the United States, our national security, our standing in the world every single day that he’s allowed to sit in that Oval Office.”
Moulton did not directly address Israel policy during the debate.
Both candidates also focused significant time on condemning the war in Iran and expressing their opposition to it, while jabbing at each other over who has been the more effective opponent of the war.
Moulton named ending the Iran war as the most important thing that Congress can do in the current moment, taking credit for bringing a war powers resolution to the House floor.
Throughout the debate, Markey repeatedly attacked Moulton for voting, months before the start of the war, for a 2026 appropriations bill that included funding for the Defense Department. Moulton responded by repeatedly highlighting Markey’s past support for other defense appropriations bills, including during the Iraq war.
Moulton also criticized Markey for voting to confirm Secretary of State Marco Rubio, accusing him of doing so at the behest of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY), and highlighted his own national security experience and background.
Both candidates offered defenses of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion programs that have come under attack by the Trump administration, in part through the administration’s investigations into campus antisemitism.
“We absolutely should defend DEI. That’s part of our DNA. And what the Trump administration is doing is not conducting an honest campaign. They are demonizing universities. They are attacking blue states. They are attacking fundamental American values,” Moulton said. “Any decisions about DEI programs should be left to the institutions themselves,” he continued, praising the “amazing institutions,” including institutions of higher education, in the state.
“We’re only going to be a great nation if we tap the talents of every person in our country. That’s what DEI is all about: diversity and equity and inclusion for everyone, and that is what has made our country great,” Markey said.
The two voted for the first time last week in favor of blocking some U.S. arms sales to Israel
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Rep. Adam Schiff (D-CA) speaks with reporters after closing remarks during the fifth hearing on the January 6th investigation in the Cannon House Office Building on June 23, 2022, in Washington, D.C.
Sens. Adam Schiff (D-CA) and Mark Kelly (D-AZ), who both voted for the first time last week in favor of blocking some U.S. arms sales to Israel, said that their future positions on such votes would be made on a case-by-case basis, determined by the specific sales in question and the circumstances surrounding the votes.
The two were somewhat surprising votes in favor of Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-VT) effort to block U.S. arms sales, having generally maintained pro-Israel records while in Congress.
“I was, and am, strongly opposed to the war in Iran, and I couldn’t justify voting against our own supplemental funding bills, which I plan to, and supporting funding for the same war in a JRD,” Schiff told Jewish Insider, referring to the Joint Resolutions of Disapproval to block specific arms sales to Israel. “I’ll evaluate each circumstance as they come.”
Kelly disputed the notion that his vote had flipped, saying, “I make these decisions based on what is the current situation, and what is the vote on — I don’t make these [decisions] in a vacuum.”
“This isn’t ‘yes’ or ‘no’ in any given moment, I’m always going to be looking out for Israel,” Kelly said. “And I think Israel is weaker, and the Israeli people are at further risk because of the current prime minister of Israel. He’s made a lot of mistakes, and he’s not operating in accordance with our values — but nor is our president. So I’ll look at every one of these [votes] based on what it is and what the current situation is.”
Asked whether his calculus would change if Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu were to lose the next election, he said that the decision is up to the Israeli people, “but I do not think Netanyahu has done Israel as a nation any favors.”
Forty Senate Democrats voted to block sales of bulldozers to Israel, while 36 voted to block the sales of 1,000-pound bombs
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(L-R) Senate Democratic leadership, Sens. Brian Schatz (D-HI), Bernie Sanders (I-VT), Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY), Senate Majority Whip Richard Durbin (D-IL), Tammy Baldwin (D-WI), Cory Booker (D-NJ), Mark Warner (D-VA), Catherine Cortez Masto (D-NV), and Chris Murphy (D-CT), pose for a group photo in the U.S. Capitol on December 3, 2024 in Washington, DC.
Most of the Democrats in the Senate — 40 in total, including some traditionally pro-Israel lawmakers — voted on Wednesday evening for a measure led by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) that aimed to block sales of bulldozers to Israel, with 36 of them also voting to advance a second Sanders-backed resolution to block sales of thousands of 1,000-pound bombs.
The votes are a striking statement of the extent to which anti-Israel sentiment has become mainstream in the Democratic Party. Just seven members of the Democratic caucus voted against both measures.
Twenty-seven Democrats supported at least one of two similar measures in July 2025, which was a record at that time.
After having opposed previous similar efforts, Sens. Mark Kelly (D-AZ), Ruben Gallego (D-AZ), Adam Schiff (D-CA), Ron Wyden (D-OR), Maria Cantwell (D-WA), Gary Peters (D-MI), Mark Warner (D-VA), Cory Booker (D-NJ), Elissa Slotkin (D-MI), John Hickenlooper (D-CO), Michael Bennet (D-CO), Alex Padilla (D-CA) and Maggie Hassan (D-NH) all flipped and voted in favor of Sanders’ latest resolutions.
Warner and Peters, along with Sens. Jack Reed (D-RI) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI), voted to advance the resolution to block the bulldozer sale but against advancing the one on bombs.
Sens. Angela Alsobrooks (D-MD), Tammy Baldwin (D-WI), Lisa Blunt Rochester (D-DE), Tammy Duckworth (D-IL), Dick Durbin (D-IL), Martin Heinrich (D-NM), Mazie Hirono (D-HI), Tim Kaine (D-VA), Andy Kim (D-NJ), Angus King (I-ME), Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), Ben Ray Lujan (D-NM), Ed Markey (D-MA), Jeff Merkley (D-OR), Chris Murphy (D-CT), Patty Murray (D-WA), Jon Ossoff (D-GA), Brian Schatz (D-HI), Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Tina Smith (D-MN), Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Raphael Warnock (D-GA), Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Peter Welch (D-VT), all of whom had supported at least one past effort to block arms sales, voted for both measures on Wednesday.
Every Senate Democrat rumored to have presidential ambitions voted to block both arms sales.
Kelly, a moderate Democrat and potential presidential candidate, insisted in a Senate floor speech that he “cannot and will not abandon Israel,” which is “one of our closest partners. They have a right to defend themselves, and I will always support Israel’s right to exist as a successful and prosperous nation.”
But, he said, “Supporting a partner doesn’t mean that we don’t ask tough questions. It doesn’t mean that we always agree. Our support for our allies must always be about what makes us stronger and safer, and we can look at what’s happening in the region right now and understand that this is not business as usual, and it is not making us safer,” referring to the war in Iran, Israel’s war against Hezbollah in Lebanon and violence in the West Bank.
He said that the weapons sales will not “bring us closer to peace and security,” but that he remains “confident” that Israel has the ability to protect its people and that “we’ll be able to do so in the future with our partnership and I will always support that.”
Schiff, who is Jewish and generally a reliable supporter of Israel, and Padilla released a joint statement saying that they voted for the resolutions “to oppose the U.S. sale of specific weapons and equipment to Israel which might be used in Iran or to facilitate further settlement activity, which we believe undermine Israel’s long-term security and our own.”
“We strongly support Israel’s right to defend itself and the right of the people of Israel to live in peace and prosperity in a Jewish state,” they said. “We oppose actions that further deepen the United States in an unauthorized conflict in Iran — one with no clear strategy, no legal authority, and no defined end.”
They said they also intend to oppose any supplemental funding for the war.
Slotkin said she would “continue to assess U.S.-funded offensive weapons to Israel on a case-by-case basis” but would continue to support missile-defense systems. She said that she had “struggled with these [measures] as much as any vote since I joined Congress.”
“My entire life, I have been — and continue to be — a strong supporter of a Jewish and democratic State of Israel,” she said. “The people of Israel, like all people throughout the region, deserve long-term security and peace. But being pro-Israel today is not about simply supporting the political or military agenda of Prime Minister Netanyahu, just like being pro-American should not be equated with loyalty to President Trump.”
Slotkin said she is also “deeply skeptical” of providing additional funding for the war in Iran.
Warner, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, told Jewish Insider in a statement that he did not want to provide equipment to enable displacements of Palestinians in the West Bank or “escalatory military actions in southern Lebanon,” which he called contrary to both Israel and the United States’ interests.
“The United States can and must hold two truths at once: we can stand firmly with Israel’s security while also speaking out against actions that jeopardize peace and stability in the region,” Warner said. “Israel has an unequivocal right to defend itself, but it does not have the right to unilaterally displace Palestinians in the West Bank and torpedo any chance of ever achieving a two-state solution.”
“The United States should ensure that Israel has the tools it needs to protect its people and deter its adversaries while opposing transfers of equipment that are used to demolish homes, expand settlements, and further entrench a reality that weakens the already fragile prospects for a durable peace,” he continued.
Sanders, who has called for the U.S. to “end US military aid to the extremist Netanyahu government,” had described these votes as a referendum on the war in Iran, as well as Israel’s attacks on Hezbollah in Lebanon and violence by settlers and Israeli military forces in the West Bank.
J Street, the progressive Israel advocacy group that last week called for the U.S. to end financial support for Israel’s missile-defense systems after the current U.S.-Israel memorandum of understanding expires in 2028, supported the Sanders-led resolutions.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Sens. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), Jacky Rosen (D-NV), Catherine Cortez Masto (D-NV), Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), John Fetterman (D-PA) and Chris Coons (D-DE) were the only Democrats to oppose both resolutions.
Gillibrand, who this week introduced a war powers resolution to halt the war in Iran, told JI on Wednesday morning that she sees the resolutions on weapons sales to Israel and the resolutions on the Iran war “very differently.”
“I oppose the war in Iran, but I do not believe we should leave an ally [Israel] who is being attacked without support,” Gillibrand said during a press conference.
AIPAC said in a statement, “We appreciate the senators who opposed these misguided and dangerous resolutions. Letting our democratic ally buy American-made equipment to protect its families from Iran and terrorist groups is clearly in America’s national interest. Congress must continue to stand with Israel as it confronts multiple ongoing threats.”
The votes may draw increased Democratic support amid party criticism of the war with Iran
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Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), joined by fellow senator Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-OR) (R), speaks at a news conference on restricting arms sales to Israel at the U.S. Capitol on November 19, 2024 in Washington, DC.
The Senate is set to hold another round of votes on blocking U.S. arms transfers to Israel, as Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) filed three new joint resolutions of disapproval against $658.8 million in sales of 500- and 1,000-pound bombs to Israel and “defense articles” for 250-pound bombs.
“Given the horrific destruction that Israel’s extremist government has wrought on Gaza, Iran and Lebanon, the last thing in the world that American taxpayers need to do right now is to provide 22,000 new bombs to the Netanyahu government,” Sanders said. “No more weapons to support an illegal war.”
The effort is being co-sponsored by Sens. Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Jeff Merkley (D-OR) and Peter Welch (D-VT).
Sanders emphasized that the administration had sidestepped normal congressional review procedures using emergency authorities in advancing the arms sales earlier this month.
Sanders and other progressive Democrats have forced votes on similar efforts to block arms sales to Israel on three previous occasions since the war in Gaza began, with a majority of the Democratic caucus — 27 lawmakers — voting to block at least one arms sale in July of last year, a significant jump in support from similar efforts in November 2024 and April 2025.
Israel’s standing among Democrats has worsened since last July, with even some Democrats who supported continued arms sales at that time blaming Israel for dragging the U.S. into the war in Iran. Polls show registered voters now see Israel more negatively than positively.
Some senators have argued the U.S. should have threatened to cut off military support to prevent an Israeli attack on Iran.
Van Hollen, Merkley and Welch, in statements, all framed the bomb sales as proxy votes on the war in Iran, and a vote to block the sales as a step toward ending the war. Senate Democrats have voted nearly unanimously as recently as yesterday to bring an immediate end to the war in Iran.
“With the bombs already provided to Israel by American taxpayers, Israeli forces are unleashing a campaign of total war in Iran with the clear and deliberate intention to eviscerate Iran’s economy and society,” Welch said in a statement. “I support these joint resolutions to make sure that we do not send another 20,000 bombs to Israel that will result in further destruction in Iran and Lebanon. We must end this war, and we must not send these bombs.”
On the other hand, some Democrats who had voted in favor of previous arms sales flipped in the July 2025 vote to express frustration with the ongoing war and humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
With the war in Gaza now in a ceasefire, humanitarian aid restored and efforts toward reconstruction slowly starting, that motivation for blocking arms sales may no longer be salient for some Democrats.
Plus, Qatari editor calls for more hostage-taking
ABIR SULTAN/POOL/AFP via Getty Images
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gives a press conference at the Prime minister's office in Jerusalem on August 10, 2025.
Good Wednesday morning.
In today’s Daily Kickoff, we report on yesterday’s votes on Israel-related resolutions at the Democratic National Committee’s summer meeting and subsequent decision to create a task force on the issue, and cover Rep. Adam Smith’s support for leveraging arms sales to Israel. We report on a call from a prominent Qatari journalist tied to the country’s royal family to kidnap IDF soldiers, and report on a push from Jewish groups, led by the Jewish Federations of North America, for the Trump administration to move forward with its nominations for antisemitism envoy and religious freedom ambassador. Also in today’s Daily Kickoff: Avraham Tahari, Jonathan Karp and Shmuel and Anat Harlap.
What We’re Watching
- President Donald Trump will lead a meeting at the White House today focused on winding down the war in Gaza and increasing humanitarian aid to the country. Steve Witkoff, the Trump administration’s Middle East envoy, told Fox News that the administration believes “that we’re going to settle this one way or another, certainly before the end of this year.”
- Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar, who is in the U.S. this week, will meet with Secretary of State Marco Rubio this afternoon in Washington.
- This evening, the Florida Democratic Party Jewish Caucus is hosting a briefing with Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL).
What You Should Know
A QUICK WORD WITH JI’S JOSH KRAUSHAAR
In the run-up to the U.S. presidential election last year, one common refrain heard in Israeli leadership was to wait out the election in the hope of a friendlier Trump administration taking over.
Increasingly, many pro-Israel voices in the United States are quietly saying the same thing about upcoming Israeli elections, which polls suggest could usher in a more moderate coalition, and diminish the influence of far-right leaders in the current Israeli government.
The possibility of new elections taking place soon, more than any particular shift in military strategy or policy decisions, is looking like the most likely factor that could advance progress in the region.
While Israeli elections are not guaranteed to take place until October 2026, the legislative crisis over Haredi conscription in the IDF is looking like it could collapse Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition, and move up the election timetable to as early as next January.
What has prevented elections until now is the fact that all members of the governing coalition are projected to lose seats if elections are held. That most Israelis want new elections is the very reason why they haven’t happened – yet.
Indeed, if elections were held today, Netanyahu would be in serious trouble. A recent poll commissioned by Israel’s Channel 12 found the anti-Netanyahu bloc making up a narrow majority of 61 of the Knesset’s 120 seats, with the current Likud-led coalition sitting at 49 seats, and Arab parties making up the remaining 10 seats.
minneapolis moment
Shortly after members of the Democratic National Committee passed a resolution on Tuesday voicing support for humanitarian aid to Gaza and calling for the release of hostages held by Hamas, Ken Martin, the party chair, announced that he would withdraw the measure, which he had introduced, and instead form a task force to continue discussing the matter, Jewish Insider’s Matthew Kassel reports.
Dem divide: The surprise reversal came even as the DNC, now holding its annual summer meeting in Minneapolis, had voted to reject a dueling and more controversial resolution that had backed an arms embargo as well as a suspension of U.S. military aid to Israel, raising alarms among Jewish and pro-Israel Democrats who rallied behind Martin’s effort, co-sponsored by DNC leadership. “There is a divide in our party on this issue. This is a moment that calls for shared dialogue and calls for shared advocacy,” Martin said after the competing measure had been voted down. He said that he would “appoint a committee or a task force comprised of stakeholders on all sides of this to continue to have the conversation, to work through this, and bring solutions back to our party.”
‘Inside baseball’: Pro-Israel Democrats expressed cautious optimism about the unexpected decision. Despite Martin’s 11th-hour reversal, Halie Soifer, the CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, told JI’s Matthew Kassel she was satisfied with the outcome, noting the DNC also passed a resolution condemning antisemitism that, coupled with its rejection of the arms embargo proposal, “reflects where the party stands” on major issues concerning Israel and the Jewish community. Brian Romick, Democratic Majority For Israel’s president and CEO, said that he viewed the outcome as “a win” for the pro-Israel community, in light of the potential for a more hostile debate. “The bad resolution was rejected and Ken’s compromise resolution also passed the committee,” Romick said. “That all happened publicly” and “reaffirmed where the party stands on Israel,” he said. “Anything else beyond that is just inside baseball.”











































































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