A Brookings Institution study found that of the 104 Democratic Socialists of America-backed candidates running for state legislature, nearly 75% have won their primaries
Spencer Platt/Getty Images
Members of the Democratic Socialists of America May 01, 2019 in New York City.
The Democratic Socialists of America notched another win this week in Florida’s Democratic Senate primary, with the shock victory of state Rep. Angie Nixon, a DSA member, over a much better-funded, establishment-backed challenger.
The far-left group has also notched at least six new victories in deep-blue House districts where its members are all but guaranteed to be elected, and could lead four major U.S. cities — New York, Los Angeles, Seattle and Washington, D.C. — after the midterm elections.
But some of the group’s more overlooked victories have happened at the state level, where the DSA members could wield significant power if they win. A new study by the Brookings Institution, released Wednesday, found that of the 104 state legislative candidates endorsed by national or local DSA chapters in 2026, 76 have won their primaries or advanced to the general election without a primary.
At the local level, another 64 of the 99 DSA-endorsed candidates are moving on to the general election. By comparison, at the congressional level, only 20 of the 64 total DSA-endorsed candidates have made it to general election races.
In New York City, already a comparative bastion of DSA representation in the state Assembly and Senate, eight DSA endorsees have advanced to the general election, including state Senate candidate Aber Kawas, who downplayed the 9/11 attacks, as well as seven state Assembly candidates. In total, the group is expected to have at least 15 members in Albany next year.
Sara Forman, the former executive director of the New York Solidarity Network, a state-level Jewish advocacy organization, said that after New York City Zohran Mamdani’s victory, the DSA seems to be emboldened to “flex their muscles” nationwide, after previously taking a more “surgical” approach at the state and local level.
Forman, who is now a senior advisor at Optimistic Labs, said she thinks the group learned lessons from the Mamdani race, including targeting highly engaged communities and neighborhoods. She also emphasized that the group has spent two decades building out the infrastructure that fueled the recent victories highlighted in the Brookings data.
“The Jewish community needs to take a hard look at this and really decide whether or not we’re willing to break bread” with a group that only looks at the Jewish community for “how they can use us,” she continued, while adding that Jewish community members will likely need to engage with some DSA elected officials in some capacity..
The national DSA organization endorses only a small subset of the DSA-affiliated candidates running nationwide. But outside of New York, five of its endorsees have advanced to general election races in state assembly seats around the country, with some set to coast to election and others facing competitive general election races: Robert LeVertis Bell in Kentucky, Tammy Carpenter in Oregon, Chris Gilmer-Hill in Michigan, Luke Alfaro-Jungmann in New Mexico and Mathewos Samson in Georgia.
Local DSA groups have racked up many more wins, such as state Rep. Maryam Khan’s ouster of an incumbent in a recent Hartford, Conn.-area state Senate seat.
“It’s interesting to me that the places where you’ve seen a lot of the newer elected officials pop up were a little unexpected, Connecticut being one example,” Forman said.
The state-level wins carry the potential to advance the DSA’s agenda, particularly in places such as New York, where the DSA expects its endorsees to work as a bloc in coordination with DSA leaders.
The Brookings study found that most DSA candidates hailed from already liberal areas — 111 were from California and New York alone — and most from districts that heavily favor Democrats. And DSA candidates contested and were nominated in a small fraction of the 7,386 total legislative seats around the country.
“From one perspective, the story of DSA candidates’ influence is overblown. The scarcity of candidates and their lack of strong success rates overall make this look more like a skirmish than a war,” the study’s authors conclude. “Nonetheless, the high-profile wins, fueled by young, white, educated voters, represent a warning to the rest of the party. They signal that unhappiness with the Democratic establishment and, in the post-Biden world, opposition to elderly officeholders can be leveraged by young, charismatic DSA candidates — and reflect an impatience with party leadership that transcends ideology.”
The rapid rise of the far left has alarmed Jewish leaders, who have seen candidates aligned with the DSA or affiliated with other virulently anti-Israel groups and in some cases, embracing antisemitic views. Those ties haven’t stopped them from winning deep-blue primaries across the country.
“Just judging on Missouri, it’s worse than people are realizing,” said Stacey Newman, a former Democratic state lawmaker who now leads the Missouri Alliance Network.
She emphasized that St. Louis-area Democrats elected a growing number of far-left candidates — albeit most not formally DSA-endorsed — and others hostile to Jewish community interests to the Legislature even while reelecting a close Jewish community ally in Rep. Wesley Bell (D-MO). “They all have the same anti-Israel, anti-Jew platforms,” she said.
Forman said that Jewish advocates and their allies at the state level “need to be prepared for what I’m assuming is going to be the incoming push to try to make Israel a state and local issue,” as Mamdani and other DSA members did in New York State with legislation such as the Not On Our Dime Act.
“We really need to be making sure that our advocates and our allies are prepared to push back on that narrative,” Forman said, “but second of all, to remind people that state and local office has nothing to do with foreign policy.”
She said that the existing Jewish educational infrastructure needs to have the “toolkit to be able to say and push back hard and aggressively that this has no place in the state legislature,” and have its messaging clear and prepared.
Newman, whose group led advocacy for an antisemitism bill in the Missouri Legislature, said she feels that the Jewish community increasingly can’t rely on Democrats in Missouri’s legislature to support their priorities. And, she emphasized, much more policy work happens at the state level than the federal level.
“As a former Jewish state legislator, I’m petrified, because we’re all watching what’s happening around the country,” Newman said. “We’re watching Michigan, Wisconsin, we’re watching the Democratic Party throw caution to the wind.”
In an early sign of Rogers’ bipartisan backing, three prominent Jewish Democratic bundlers are holding fundraiser for Rogers next week
Paul Sancya/AP
Republican Senate candidate Mike Rogers speaks before President Donald Trump at an event at the General Motors Proving Ground Monday, July 27, 2026, in Milford, Mich.
More than a week after Abdul El-Sayed narrowly clinched the Democratic nomination in Michigan’s bruising Democratic Senate primary, his Republican opponent, former Rep. Mike Rogers (R-MI), is working to fine-tune his campaign’s outreach and messaging to disaffected Jewish voters who could play a decisive role in the closely contested race.
While Republicans in the key battleground state see an opportunity in November to capitalize on Jewish Democrats’ alarm over El-Sayed’s hostile rhetoric toward Israel and lackluster record in confronting the rise of antisemitism, Rogers has in the days following the primary still appeared relatively cautious in directly courting Jewish voters, as he has widened his pitch to Democrats in Michigan whom he reassured in a video message last week have “a home with” his campaign.
He has otherwise called El-Sayed, a far-left former public health official, “beyond antisemitic” and said he “hates Jewish people,” echoing the most extreme concerns among Jewish Democrats turned off by the Democratic nominee’s ties to antisemitic Twitch streamer Hasan Piker and comments equivocating over the foiled terrorist attack against a synagogue outside Detroit in March, among other issues.
Despite such criticism, Jason Cabel Roe, a GOP strategist in Michigan not involved in the race, said that he had not seen Rogers “specifically identifying the Jewish community as a target,” underscoring how the campaign is balancing private engagement with a key constituency alongside a more broadly calibrated public invitation for Democrats to join his coalition.
“A lot of this is going to come organically,” Roe told Jewish Insider, referring to Jewish Democrats in the state who are contemplating voting for Rogers. “This is not new territory for him.”
Bobby Schostak, a former chairman of the Michigan Republican Party and a prominent Jewish campaign surrogate, said he had hosted a donor call on Monday with Rogers and his pollster, Tony Fabrizio, joined by some 150 people. “There were people there who were traditionally not Republican voters,” he told JI, citing some Jewish Democrats and other former backers of Rep. Haley Stevens (D-MI), the moderate, pro-Israel lawmaker who lost to El-Sayed.
“Mike spoke to the importance of having a wide-open campaign with multiple coalitions,” Schostak said of the donor call, while stressing that Jewish Democrats in the Detroit area are particularly energized to help Rogers. “It is consequential both in numbers and in names,” he told JI on Thursday. “They are not being passive,” he explained. “They want to beat El-Sayed.”
In one of the first major signs of those efforts now materializing, three prominent Jewish Democratic bundlers in Michigan are hosting a fundraiser for Rogers next Tuesday, according to an email invite sent to Jewish community members on Thursday.
“This is something that none of us has ever done,” said Hannan Lis, who is leading the fundraiser with Brian Hermelin and Rob Orley. “But we feel this is a departure in the direction of the Democratic Party,” he told JI of El-Sayed’s staunch opposition to Israel and refusal to recognize its right to exist as a Jewish state. “We’re taking a stand here,” he added. “This is beyond politics.”
Even though “there are many issues where we don’t necessarily agree with Mike Rogers,” Lis noted, “we trust him” on key issues. The fundraiser is meant to “show we are willing to back up a person” who holds a mutual commitment to a “strong relationship with Israel” and “is not playing politics” on other matters concerning the Jewish community, he explained.
Hermelin, the president of the Jewish Federation of Detroit, confirmed his involvement in the fundraiser but declined to comment further on the event, which he is co-hosting in his personal capacity.
Rogers, recognized as a national security-focused conservative, has also attended pro-Israel fundraisers outside of the state this week, according to a person familiar with the matter. “There is now a lot of enthusiasm in the pro-Israel community for Mike Rogers,” the person said. “A not-insignificant piece is from Democrats.”
A spokesperson for Rogers’ campaign did not return a request for comment on Thursday.
The Republican Jewish Coalition has indicated it intends to aggressively target the nearly 100,000 Jewish voters in Michigan who make up a potential swing bloc, with a special focus on Jewish Democrats who “now find themselves politically homeless,” Sam Markstein, a spokesperson for the group, told JI in a statement.
Markstein said that he could not yet share specifics about the RJC’s plans to invest in the race but noted an independent expenditure is in the works and “will be significant.”
Eric Levine, a top Republican bundler in New York and an RJC board member who hosted a fundraiser for Rogers in late July, said the former congressman is “making a direct appeal to the Jewish community,” including Democrats, and “has been very successful.”
AIPAC, the pro-Israel advocacy group whose super PAC spent over $30 million to help Stevens, has not officially endorsed Rogers, but sources say it is likely to spend on his behalf before the November election. Representatives for AIPAC and its super PAC did not respond to requests for comment.
In a tacit recognition of the Jewish vote’s potential significance in the general election, El-Sayed has, for his part, recently sought to ease tensions with Jewish Democrats who remain skeptical about his campaign, emphasizing his “commitment to Jewish safety” even he has continued to use incendiary rhetoric on Israel in the wake of the primary.
Michael Horowitz, a Jewish Democratic leader and Detroit businessman, said he was “leaning heavily” toward voting for Rogers but that he had not made up his mind, underscoring the inherent challenges in enticing Jewish Democrats to defect from a party that they have long called home.
Though Horowitz said he will not vote for El-Sayed, he attributed his reservations to delivering a win for the Trump administration as well as a “volatile world” that could shape his assessment in the lead-up to the election. “I would say that the vast majority of people I’ve talked to are voting against El-Sayed — as opposed to voting for Rogers,” he told JI.
He said he is now working to arrange a “more intimate conversation” with Rogers to get a better sense of the candidate, after a surrogate reached out to make a connection. “I don’t think that not voting is an option,” he said, adding, “until I cast my vote it’s not a done deal.”
Shimon Levy, an Israeli American entrepreneur in Detroit who identifies as an independent and backed Stevens in the primary, said he is supporting Rogers’ campaign and had wrapped up lunch with members of his team when he spoke with JI on Thursday.
“I think, at this stage, the Rogers team is just here to listen,” he said. “They’re asking, ‘How do we win your vote?’”
In an interview with CNN, she underscored her pro-Israel bona fides, saying she is a ‘Zionist Democrat in Michigan’
Rep. Haley Stevens (D-MI), candidate for Michigan's open U.S. Senate seat, holds a rally with Sen. Gary Peters (D-MI) on August 2, 2026 in Madison Heights, Michigan (Photo by Finn Gomez/Getty Images)
In her first cable news interview since her Senate primary loss on Wednesday morning, Rep. Haley Stevens (D-MI) told CNN that Jewish voters who are concerned about Democratic Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed’s hostility towards Israel are “going to have to make a personal and private decision” as to who to support in November.
Stevens also told CNN on Friday that she is a “Zionist Democrat in Michigan.”
Just before he was declared the winner in the Democratic primary for the pivotal Michigan Senate race, El-Sayed doubled down on his criticism of Israel on MS NOW’s “Morning Joe,” calling the Jewish state “bloodthirsty” and saying his critiques go beyond the government of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
El-Sayed, who made his opposition to AIPAC a central part of his campaign message, sought to ease tensions with skeptical Jewish voters after winning the nomination, addressing what he called “an issue that has been focused on in this race.”
“To all of my sisters and brothers of the Jewish faith,” he said in his televised remarks, “I want you to know that my commitment to your safety, my commitment to Jewish safety, is the same commitment that I have to the safety of my own daughters.” He also spoke about his experience going to a seder during the campaign, where in an awkward turn of phrase, said he was able to “break bread” with his Jewish friends.
On Friday, Republican Senate nominee Mike Rogers argued that the “vast majority of people” rejecting El-Sayed — whose bid he framed as a “campaign filled with anger, divisiveness, calls for violence and the views that are out of touch with your values”— have “a home with us.”
Plus, Cruz champions bipartisan buffer zone bill
UNITED STATES - JUNE 3: Rep. Wesley Bell, D-Mo., right, and Sen. Eric Schmitt, R-Mo., attend the Congressional Chess Tournament hosted with the St. Louis Chess Club in Russell building on Wednesday, June 3, 2026. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
In today’s Daily Kickoff, we look at the state of play in Michigan’s Democratic Senate primary in the final days of the race, and have the scoop on plans by Sen. Ted Cruz and Reps. Brad Knott and Tom Suozzi to introduce federal buffer zone legislation. We talk to Israeli officials and regional experts about the Trump administration’s newly released Gaza disarmament roadmap, and report from the Israel on Campus Coalition’s National Leadership Summit in Washington. Also in today’s Daily Kickoff: Dean Kremer, Alex Ryvchin and Balaji Srinivasan.
We also have a new on-demand Live Briefing that you can access throughout the day via our new app (on Apple and Android) and on our website.
Today’s Daily Kickoff was curated by JI Executive Editor Melissa Weiss and Israel Editor Tamara Zieve, with an assist from Marc Rod. Have a tip? Email us here.
What We’re Watching
- The Middle East remains on edge after President Donald Trump called off plans to launch “the biggest attack since World War II” targeting Iran, saying on Sunday that he was persuaded by Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia to again attempt to reach a diplomatic solution with Tehran. Trump said that talks with Iran are slated to restart today, while the Islamic Republic denied that talks were set to take place.
- Jay Clayton assumes his role today as director of national intelligence, following his confirmation vote last week to replace ODNI interim head Bill Pulte, who briefly served as acting director following Tulsi Gabbard‘s resignation.
- The Israel on Campus Coalition is holding its annual National Leadership Summit in Washington. More below.
What You Should Know
A QUICK WORD WITH JI’S JOSH KRAUSHAAR
Michigan will take center stage this week as it holds its marquee Senate primary and consequential down-ballot races that showcase the divide between the Democratic mainstream and its left-wing, anti-Israel activists.
But Missouri is playing the role of the must-watch undercard, with the rematch between Rep. Wesley Bell (D-MO) and Democratic Socialists of America-aligned former Rep. Cori Bush (D-MO) marking another significant bellwether contest between the center and the left.
Bell, a stalwart supporter of Israel who was championed by AIPAC in both of his congressional campaigns, is facing a changed political environment within the Democratic Party with public opinion turning against the Jewish state.
Bell defeated Bush by five points in 2024, but the race could end up being closer this time around given the ascendance of socialist candidates in urban, deep-blue districts like Missouri’s First District.
Bush, however, has myriad other vulnerabilities beyond her far-left policy views, from missed votes during her time in Congress to ethical questions surrounding her handling of campaign funds.
Bell is also being boosted by outside groups, led by the AIPAC-affiliated United Democracy Project super PAC, which has spent over $2.6 million in the race hitting Bush, along with the New Democrat Coalition-affiliated super PAC, which has poured in just over $1 million on Bell’s behalf. Bell has also outspent Bush on the airwaves by about a ten-to-one margin, according to the Cook Political Report.
MICHIGAN MOVES
Republicans betting Jewish voters swing Rogers’ way if El-Sayed wins primary

As Abdul El-Sayed pulls ahead in the final days of Michigan’s bitter Democratic Senate primary race, Republicans are eyeing a chance, in the general election, to peel support from disaffected Jewish Democrats anxious about their party’s sharp turn to the left on Israel and its tolerance for actions they view as antisemitic. If Rep. Haley Stevens (D-MI) loses, Republicans are eager to present former Rep. Mike Rogers (R-MI), the GOP’s presumptive nominee, as a safe alternative to El-Sayed for Jewish Democrats in the general election who may not be able to stomach voting along party lines,Jewish Insider’s Matthew Kassel reports.
Shifting tide: “I think that Jewish voters and many Democrats in general feel” the party “has moved away from them,” Bobby Schostak, a former chairman of the Michigan Republican Party who sits on the Republican Jewish Coalition’s board, told JI, calling Rogers “unconditionally and unapologetically pro-Israel and part of the fight against antisemitism in America.”
Called out: In a late-night tweet five days before Michigan’s high-stakes Democratic Senate primary, Stevens explicitly accused her opponent, El-Sayed, of trafficking in antisemitism, JI’s Gabby Deutch reports. Despite that, Stevens said, when asked in an MS NOW interview if she could commit to backing El-Sayed if he wins Tuesday’s primary: “You bet … I am on the team, alright. And I am gonna link arms and do whatever’s needed.”















































































Continue with Google
Continue with Apple