With Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz roiling energy markets, other countries in the region may begin to pursue alternative routes to transport energy and other goods, but they are far from ready to be put into use, experts told Jewish Insider this week. 

One of the highest-profile routes is the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC), proposed by the Biden administration in September 2023 as a route for trade, energy and more; it would go from India, through Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Jordan and Israel, then across the Mediterranean to Europe through Greece.

While Iran has threatened to block the Strait of Hormuz and obstruct oil shipping for decades, the Islamic Republic was not the main reason for considering another route of transportation — it was initially conceived as an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative.  

But now that the Iranian threat has been realized, IMEC and other alternative routes to ship oil and gas from the Gulf are back in focus.

Gabriel Mitchell, an expert on energy security and a visiting fellow at the German Marshall Fund, told JI that “the threat and challenge posed with the Strait of Hormuz has raised questions about East-West shipping, traffic and global energy trade to the maximum.”

”If you look at it from the perspective of India on one end, Europe on the other and anywhere in between, they are thinking they need to create as much redundancy as possible for commercial shipping for their own economic security,” Mitchell said. “It doesn’t make a difference whether you’re Emirati or Qatari or just an international shipping company with a base of operations in [the UAE’s Port of] Fuajirah, you’re asking the same questions.” 

Mitchell said the idea of redundant shipping routes initially came from a desire to lower costs and increase speed of delivery, and grew more popular due to challenges with the Suez Canal during the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, in light of Iran’s obstruction of the Strait of Hormuz, “the argument in favor of IMEC [and] creation of redundancy has increased significantly.” 

Increased regional connectivity can “take away Iran’s lever of closing the Strait of Hormuz,” Joseph Rozen, a senior fellow at the Misgav Institute for National Security and the former director for Asia-Pacific in Israel’s National Security Council, told JI. (The writer is a senior fellow at the Misgav Institute.)

Rozen said that “IMEC is a buzzword; the focus needs to be on inter-regional connectivity,” and noted that the Trump administration may be hesitant to adopt a Biden-era initiative, though it seemingly supports increasing connectivity more broadly through the Board of Peace. 

Regional connectivity can increase stability and growth, Rozen said, and more countries can be brought in than those initially on board, such as Oman, Iraq, Syria, Egypt and even Gaza.

“The Iran war increased American involvement and its push for connectivity initiatives,” Rozen said. “Before the war [President Donald] Trump expressed interest, but now, the U.S. is more invested, and that encourages countries in the region to invest in regional connectivity if they know there’s an American security umbrella … over their investments and development.”

Rozen argued that existing infrastructure should be improved in the short term. The Saudi and Emirati pipelines combined can only transfer about 8.5 million barrels’ worth of oil per day, 42% of what passed through the Strait of Hormuz each day before the current war with Iran, he said. Another short-term move Rozen proposed is to continue to grant countries waivers to buy Russian gas, though this effort has seen resistance from members of Congress.

Mitchell said that IMEC faced a lot of skepticism when it was proposed, and none of its challenges have been resolved.

The commercial viability of alternative pipelines and routes is in question, Mitchell said: “Who is going to pay? Who is going to secure it? Which available ports will be able to manage that intake?”

Companies may prefer to try to find quick fixes rather than make multibillion-dollar investments that take a decade or more to bring returns, Mitchell argued, and the private sector and states will have to work together to make them viable. “I believe that will tip the scales in favor of these kinds of projects, but which end up getting green lit is yet to be determined.”

Some of the geopolitical challenges have grown more difficult since the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel, weeks after IMEC was announced. In addition, Mitchell pointed out that Turkey has obstructed joint energy projects between Israel, Greece and Cyprus in the past decade, demanding to be involved, and would likely do the same with IMEC.

”It’s hard to get everyone involved in one project … It’s hard to say how we are going to set aside our differences for these sets of initiatives … [and] what combination of carrots and sticks will convince people to pursue diversification. … I think in the end the answer will be yes, but it will take time to get there,” Mitchell said.

When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Israel earlier this year, IMEC was part of the public conversation, but diplomats from both countries told JI on condition of anonymity that Saudi Arabia was hesitant to proceed because of Israel’s involvement — even though both countries were part of the plan from its inception.

Rozen said that Riyadh and Jerusalem can be part of the same project as long as the focus is on practical steps that serve the Saudis’ interests and not summits and bombastic statements that would “do more harm than good.”

”I understand their interest to maintain a certain kind of rhetoric, but there are other interests,” he said. “The more we advance through channels that are not political and are lower profile … I think the Saudis would be willing to do it. It can happen at any level of IMEC or other connectivity plans, in energy, trade and digital services. Cooperation led by the business sector would not carry the same political baggage … and under the current political circumstances it may be better for it not to be government-led.”

Mitchell also said that disputes between Saudi Arabia and the UAE that surfaced late last year could get in the way of developing IMEC, though in “a situation like now, when everyone is economically bleeding, there should be room for creative solutions.”

Israeli officials have made many positive statements about IMEC and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar took part in a summit last year with his counterparts from involved countries, but no progress has been made on the ground.

Rozen said that Israel will likely wait to develop the necessary infrastructure “as long as there is no commitment from Arab States, such as Jordan, to invest on their side.” However, he added that, in the interim, Israel can “focus on the technological aspects” of regional connectivity at a lower cost.

Mitchell said the big challenge for Israel is that other countries will be competing to be involved in connectivity projects. Egypt, he said, has been pushing to be the gateway to the Mediterranean, with support from France.

”The argument in Israel’s favor is the security-related coordination [with Arab states] that is happening informally in a lot of ways. We need to concretize that,” he said. “One would assume that Israeli companies would have the opportunity to present their offerings for cybersecurity infrastructure.”

”The real thorn in Israel’s side since Oct. 7 is the diplomatic element. Can Israel manifest any kind of diplomatic initiative or momentum to patch together meaningful cooperation?” Mitchell questioned. “It seems that as of right now, nobody is willing to meet in the middle, which is challenging if you’re Israel, but it’s also challenging for the U.S., which is trying to work with everybody in parallel and has struggled to bring them around the table [together].” 

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to arrive in Israel on Wednesday to address the Knesset and head an innovation event in Jerusalem, as part of what Israeli Ambassador to India Reuven Azar told Jewish Insider is an “upgrade” in relations between the countries “to a new, strategic level.”

The visit of the head of the world’s most populous nation, whose relations with Israel have grown stronger since Modi became prime minister in 2014, has important implications for the Jewish state’s security, geopolitics and trade, Azar said. 

Modi last visited Israel eight years ago. At the time, a photo of the Indian leader and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wading barefoot in the Mediterranean Sea during a visit to a desalination plant went viral. 

His trip this week, during which he will address Israel’s Knesset, comes amid rising tensions across the Middle East — and as Israelis prepare for a potential attack from Iran.

India has been the Israeli defense industry’s largest customer in recent years, with arms sales totaling $20.5 billion during 2020-2024. The countries have reportedly closed deals worth $8.6 billion since the beginning of 2026.

During his visit, Modi plans to sign an “updated security agreement to allow the private sector to work on more sensitive products when it comes to joining production,” Azar, who has been Israel’s envoy to India since September 2024, said. “The updated protocols will allow us to work on more sensitive technology. It will create a lot of action.”

Netanyahu and leading Israeli defense figures have spoken about moving toward greater self-sufficiency in arms manufacturing. Delhi has long had a “Make in India” campaign to increase local production, requiring Israeli arms companies to open production lines in India in order to sell to the country, and the agreement means that joint production “will get a significant upgrade, because we are expanding both the scope and range of technologies we can apply,” Azar said.

“Both Israel and India want to be more independent and self-reliant when it comes to production and less reliant on foreign supply. Producing things together means that, during times of need, we can supply things to each other, unlike what happened during the war [in Gaza] … in which we had interruptions in supply from different countries,” Azar said.

Economically, Israel and India are working on a free-trade agreement, and hope to expand their cooperation on emerging technologies, as well as large infrastructure projects. Azar said that he worked to bring Indian companies to bid on tenders relating to the ongoing Tel Aviv Metro subway project, and that 15 have already applied.

The U.S. has long expressed concern about security risks related to Chinese companies working on major infrastructure projects in Israel. Companies from India, which views China as an adversary, have been considered as a potential competitive alternative. 

Though Azar, a former deputy national security advisor for foreign policy, served as head of the Israel-U.S.-China Internal Task Force Israel’s Foreign Ministry at the beginning of the decade, he declined to comment on that aspect, preferring to focus on Israel-India bilateral relations.

With regard to the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), a trade route meant to pass through Israel, among other countries in the region, and compete with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, Azar said that “we need to wait for the right geopolitical moment to make it happen. … It needs to happen, but evidently, it won’t now.” 

“Currently, there is some movement of merchandise, but to see it become massive, we need some change in Saudi Arabia,” Azar said.

Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E., both points on the IMEC route, are facing increased tensions between them. Riyadh has pointed some of its ire at Jerusalem, and has been growing closer to India’s historic foe, Pakistan.

Azar was enthusiastic about an Israeli Cabinet decision approved on Sunday in which Israel plans to allocate over $48 million to cooperation with India in a variety of spheres. Half of the funds come from individual government ministries seeking the cooperation, and the other half was specially allocated by the Finance Ministry.

“The most important is upgrading research and development with funds from the Israel Innovation Authority, and academic cooperation. Israeli universities are all over India now, getting into agreements to exchange students and transfer technology and innovation offices. They feel very welcome in India,” he said.

Asked if that means India has become an alternative to much of the West, where Israeli academics have faced hostility in recent years, Azar said that India and Israel “don’t have challenges in this realm and continue working together to discover the joint resilience so needed in times of war.”

At the same time, he added, “it’s important for any country to diversify. We feel we have so much in common with India, which is a rising force in the world. It’s natural, and it’s not only Israel. Last week, 20 heads of state and 50 foreign ministers went to an AI summit in India. … Everybody is chasing India now.” 

Though India-Israel relations were worse before Modi’s rise, Azar said they have the potential for longevity.

“We are now building the pillars of relations that are going to last,” he said. “We are trying to get bipartisan support. There is a lot of support for Israel, not just in [Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party]. The general public feels it, and we have a high appreciation of that. There are some parties, like the communists, that are more critical, but I think this relationship is going to last.”

Sergio Gor’s expected departure from a key role in the White House, where he has vetted thousands of candidates for political jobs as the influential leader of the Presidential Personnel Office, is raising some questions about how his litmus tests and isolationist views will compare to his newly announced replacement, particularly with regard to national security hires.

Gor, 38, was nominated by President Donald Trump last week to be U.S. ambassador to India. If confirmed by the Senate, Gor, who was also tapped as special envoy for South and Central Asian affairs, will leave behind a powerful post at which he built a reputation as an ideological gatekeeper. 

Throughout his time in the White House, Gor has drawn attention for his unyielding focus on loyalty to Trump and — more singularly — a fierce commitment to elevating national security and foreign policy hires who share his skepticism of American engagement abroad.

His successor, Dan Scavino, as the White House confirmed this week, is likewise a longtime Trump confidant who now serves as White House deputy chief of staff. But unlike Gor — whose background suggests an interest in imposing ideological litmus tests on job applicants  — Scavino, 49, “has no ideology other than Trump,” according to a former top administration official.

Even as Gor has won plaudits from a range of high-ranking officials in the administration, the former official, who spoke anonymously to address a sensitive subject, suggested his approach to the White House role has been driven by his foreign policy worldview as well as his allegiance to the president, a tension that is unlikely to be replicated by Scavino.

“Sergio brought his own world with him to the job, not just Trump’s,” the former official told Jewish Insider on Wednesday. “Loyal to Trump, yes — loyal to a Paul-Tucker-Koch world ideology, I think yes as well,” he added, referring to Gor’s former boss Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), podcast host Tucker Carlson and the activist network linked with Charles Koch, a leading conservative donor who has opposed Trump.

By contrast, Scavino, a former Trump golf club manager who has previously run the president’s prolific and unfiltered social media, seems to have few, if any, competing interests at stake. “There’s a reason Dan has a seat in the Situation Room when the toughest decisions are made,” the former Trump official elaborated. “Sergio never did. This should be a positive development for vetting and placement.”

It remains to be seen which positions Scavino will still need to help staff when he fully assumes Gor’s duties — especially with “over 95%” of departments and agencies now “filled,” according to a statement from Trump last week, which could not be verified.

“There is much still to be done, and Dan’s leadership will ensure the highest quality, most dedicated workforce ever,” Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said in a statement, calling Scavino “one of Trump’s most trusted and longest serving advisors.”

In his tenure, Gor, a former top aide to Paul, the libertarian Republican from Kentucky, has helped weaken the National Security Council and worked to install Pentagon officials who have pressed for a reduced U.S. military presence in the Middle East — fueling concerns among pro-Israel leaders who have questioned if such views were aligned with Trump’s approach.

The personnel chief, whose efforts highlighted an intra-party battle between warring traditional and MAGA Republican factions that has recently grown less fractious as the administration has taken shape, also promoted officials affiliated with the libertarian Koch network, in spite of a directive from Trump upon his reelection to avoid “people who worked with, or are endorsed by” the Charles Koch or his political advocacy group.

More recently, Gor has prominently clashed with some top Trump allies, including Elon Musk and Michael Anton, the State Department’s director of policy planning who served as a technical lead amid failed nuclear negotiations with Iran. Anton, who is now expected to leave the administration soon, has reportedly grown frustrated with Gor’s rejections of his proposed hires, among other sources of tension first detailed by Politico on Wednesday. 

“He has the power to can people and for them not to get through,” one Trump official who has interacted with Gor and was not authorized to comment on the record said of his current role.

Meanwhile, Gor has advanced some officials widely criticized for espousing racist and antisemitic views, including Darren Beattie, who was fired in Trump’s first term for speaking at a white nationalist event and is now a top official in the State Department.

Beattie’s promotion, along with others who have drawn scrutiny for extreme views, underscores how Gor has been “clearing people who are unclearable,” said a former senior Republican Hill aide, who was granted anonymity in order to speak freely. “Sergio is obviously fine with that,” he said of Beattie’s past comments.

Trump, who in a social media post announcing his nomination last week called Gor’s time in the White House “essential” to upholding the administration’s agenda, said the personnel director would remain in his current role until his confirmation in the Senate, which has not yet scheduled a hearing.

A White House spokesperson confirmed to JI on Wednesday that Gor will stay in his post pending Senate approval for the ambassadorial role, which comes amid growing tensions between the United States and India, a major ally, over Trump’s tariff threats.

As Gor now prepares to leave the White House for a more public role, Danielle Pletka, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, suggested his approach to hiring ultimately demonstrated how he struggled to evolve with the administration on key issues.

“I think that the Trump administration has settled into a routine, and I think that people who are very ideologically rigid are finding less and less space for themselves,” Pletka told JI. “The president is not an isolationist, and those who are are discovering quickly that he does not appreciate being told how his staff have a stronger America first agenda than he does.”