Qatar applauded the gathering for its effort to ‘preserve [Jerusalem’s] Islamic and Christian identity’
Government of Qatar
Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani greets Jordanian King Abdullah at foreign ministers summit.
A coalition of foreign ministers from Arab and Muslim countries met in Jordan on Wednesday to launch a coordinated campaign against Israeli policies in Jerusalem — a gathering marked both by the notable absence of key regional players and rhetoric that dismissed Jewish ties to the city.
The meeting brought together diplomats from Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Algeria, Iraq, Tunisia, Somalia and Morocco, alongside representatives from the Arab League, Indonesia, Pakistan, Turkey and Malaysia. Missing from the Amman summit were several close U.S. allies including the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Kuwait.
In a joint statement, the group denounced what it called an “unprecedented Israeli escalation in occupied Jerusalem and its Islamic and Christian holy sites,” accusing Israel of trying to alter “the Arab Islamic and Christian identity of occupied Jerusalem and its legal and demographic status” — omitting any mention of Jewish historical or religious ties to the city.
The ministers also claimed that Israel “has no sovereignty” over east Jerusalem.
The statement accused Israel of discriminatory practices against Christians, including “restrictions on access to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the observance of religious rites therein; interference in the affairs of churches and restrictions imposed on their institutions and properties; and attacks targeting clergy, worshippers and religious symbols.”
The ministers also warned that “Israeli attacks against Islamic holy sites in occupied Jerusalem constitute a blatant provocation to the sentiments of around two billion Muslims worldwide, and push towards a religious conflict with repercussions that will extend beyond the region and threaten regional and international peace and security.”
To operationalize their response, the ministers announced a coordinated international campaign — including a dedicated media platform — to document alleged Israeli violations against holy sites with a plan to present them to international organizations.
Qatar’s Foreign Ministry lauded the meeting, where it said the countries discussed “the Israeli escalation in occupied Jerusalem, and the joint efforts to preserve its Islamic and Christian identity.”
Israel’s Foreign Ministry forcefully denounced the joint statement, noting its exclusion of Jewish ties to the city.
“The declaration endorsed by the Foreign Ministers of the Arab Ministerial Committee, convened by Jordan, is built on false accusations, historical distortions, and a complete disregard for the facts,” the ministry said.
“It is particularly cynical to accuse Israel of violating freedom of worship while declaring that the entire Temple Mount is a place of worship exclusively for Muslims, ignoring the Jewish people’s historic connection to Jerusalem and its holiest sites,” the statement continued. “Under Israeli sovereignty, Jerusalem, the eternal capital of the State of Israel, has never been more open and accessible to worshippers of all faiths. Israel remains committed to preserving freedom of worship, maintaining the status quo on the Temple Mount, and taking all necessary measures to ensure public order and the safety of all visitors.”
Vance has struggled to appease a coalition of anti-war critics on the populist right who feel his alignment with Trump’s foreign policy agenda represents not only a betrayal of their values but also the noninterventionist views he long espoused
Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
U.S. Vice President JD Vance speaks during a Turning Point USA event at Akins Ford Arena at the Classic Center on April 14, 2026 in Athens, Georgia.
As Vice President JD Vance has recently found himself navigating tenuous negotiations between the United States and Iran, his central role in the talks to end the war is highlighting his own vulnerabilities on the domestic front — where he is facing pushback from the isolationist right that is seen as part of his coalition.
In many ways, Vance’s political troubles recall his predecessor, former Vice President Kamala Harris, who in her 2024 presidential campaign drew fierce protests from far-left activists who objected to former President Joe Biden’s support for Israel amid the war in Gaza.
Harris, who has grown more openly critical of Israel since losing the race and leaving office, strained both to articulate a consistent message on Gaza that would satisfy the far and center left and to distance her campaign from an aging, unpopular president whose approach to Israel, according to her recent memoir, was not fully aligned with her own.
Anti-Israel activists continue to insist, even years after the election, that Harris’ association with Biden while he supported Israel’s war against Hamas cost her votes that contributed to her defeat, while pro-Israel Democrats claim she failed to draw red lines around growing extremism within the party that alienated moderates, and is now inflecting the midterm elections. More recently, the former vice president faced anti-Israel hecklers during a book tour last year.
In recent weeks, Vance, who is widely seen as a top 2028 presidential prospect, has likewise struggled to appease a restive coalition of anti-war critics on the populist right who feel his alignment with President Donald Trump’s robust foreign policy agenda represents not only a betrayal of their values but also the noninterventionist views he himself had long espoused.
Last week, in a disruption reminiscent of Harris’ campaign experience, Vance was notably heckled during a speaking appearance at a Turning Point USA event held at the University of Georgia, where an attendee interrupted his comments to accuse the Trump administration of supporting “genocide” in Gaza and “killing children.”
“If you want to complain about what happened in Gaza, why don’t you complain about Joe Biden and the last administration? We’re the administration that solved that problem,” Vance said in response to the heckler, after defending what he called Trump’s “peace agreement in Gaza.”
He also touted his so far unsuccessful efforts to broker a resolution to the Iran war — about which he reportedly voiced resistance behind the scenes before Trump greenlit the campaign in late February — saying he is pursuing the president’s goal to achieve an ambiguously outlined “grand bargain” on nuclear enrichment.
“The United States had never had meetings at that level with the Iranian government in 49 years,” Vance said at the event, days after returning from talks with Iran in Islamabad where he tried and failed to reach a diplomatic agreement.
The vice president was expected on Tuesday to leave for resumed negotiations in the Pakistani capital as a two-week ceasefire was set to soon expire, but his trip was put on hold and the ceasefire extended, raising questions about the prospect of a swift settlement.
While Vance had sought to keep the war at arm’s length in the initial days after the attack on Iran, his high-profile position in the negotiation process has now forced him to identify more closely with the sort of foreign military conflict he had built his political career on opposing.
As a junior senator from Ohio, Vance even wrote in a January 2023 opinion piece that he was supporting Trump’s reelection campaign because the president “started no wars” in his first four years in the White House.
With Trump’s approval ratings trending downward — and as Republicans fret that the war in Iran as well as rising gasoline prices could undercut their chances of holding the House and Senate in the midterms — much is riding on Vance’s efforts to put an end to the conflict as he lays the groundwork for a potential White House bid.
While polling has shown that Trump’s war aims continue to garner widespread backing within his party, including the MAGA wing, independent voters who were a key part of his winning coalition in 2024 are divided, as are younger voters whom Vance has targeted.
In Georgia last week, Vance seemed to acknowledge disappointment among audience members over the war. “I recognize that young voters do not love the policy we have in the Middle East, OK,” he said. “I understand.”
“I’m not saying you have to agree with me on every issue,” he said at the Turning Point event. “What I am saying is: Don’t get disengaged because you disagree with the administration on one topic. Get more involved, make your voice heard even more. That is how we ultimately take the country back.”
Ahead of 2028, Vance is no doubt hoping that his involvement in the Iran negotiations will help yield a deal that satisfies the president and that he can wave before the far-right base he has continued to indulge, even as it has grown increasingly hostile to Jews and Israel.
Meanwhile, Vance has at the same time made some overtures to pro-Israel Republican donors skeptical of his close relationship with Tucker Carlson, a vocal detractor of Israel whose commentary regularly veers into antisemitic rhetoric that the vice president has ignored or downplayed.
But as Harris’ problems demonstrated two years ago, Vance may ultimately find it is not possible to have it both ways.
The organizations cited the ‘unprecedented and escalating threat environment’ facing religious communities
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Members of Hatzalah of Michigan, a Jewish volunteer emergency medical service survey the area near Temple Israel following reports of an active shooter on March 12, 2026 in West Bloomfield, Michigan.
Citing an “unprecedented and escalating threat environment facing religious communities and institutions” across the country, a coalition of Jewish groups, joined by organizations representing a range of other faiths, is urging Senate and House leaders to significantly expand funding for the Nonprofit Security Grant Program.
“We write as a broad coalition of faith-based and cultural organizations to express our deep concern about the unprecedented and escalating threat environment facing religious communities and institutions across the United States. This threat is not abstract; it is very real and felt by the communities we represent on a daily basis,” the groups wrote in a letter, led by the American Jewish Committee, to the top leaders of each chamber.
They said that faith-based institutions “should be able to solely focus on serving and strengthening their communities, but in this heightened threat environment, they instead must also worry about the next attack and whether they have the resources to stay safe,” and that members of targeted religious communities are forced to “weigh the risk of violence against the act of worship.”
The letter urges Congress to provide “up to $1 billion” for the NSGP — a significant expansion of funding from its 2025 funding level of $274.5 million, and the proposed 2026 funding level of $300 million.
“Previous funding has not kept pace with demand,” the groups wrote. “More must be done to bolster this program; therefore, we encourage you to engage with communities in your district and to encourage the same of your respective caucuses. We have no doubt you’ll hear about the fear and threats our communities are facing at this moment, and therefore, we urge you to allocate appropriate resources to address this threat.”
The religious organizations also urged swift passage of the long-gestating Pray Safe Act, which would create a centralized federal clearinghouse to provide security guidance to religious institutions, including training resources and information about available grant opportunities.
Additional Jewish organizational signatories included the Anti-Defamation League, the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, Hillel International, the JCC Association of North America, the Jewish Federations of North America, the Rabbinical Assembly, the Union for Reform Judaism, the Orthodox Union and the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism.
They were joined by groups representing the Muslim, Lutheran, Greek Orthodox, Hindu, Evangelical, Seventh-day Adventist, Sikh and Catholic communities.
With polls showing most Israelis opposing Iran ceasefire, Likud drops in three weekend polls, while two others show the current coalition maintaining power
GIL COHEN-MAGEN/POOL/AFP via Getty Images
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich (2nd R) arrive for a cabinet meeting at the Bible Lands Museum in Jerusalem on June 5, 2024.
Amid the ceasefire with Iran, new Israeli polls were split on the outcome for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party and coalition. Three television polls showed Netanyahu losing significant support as a result of the unpopularity of the ceasefire, while polls from two right-leaning networks projected he would still have a majority in the Knesset to form a coalition.
The election is currently slated for the end of October. Israeli Channels 12, 13 and Kan 11 projected Netanyahu’s coalition would not receive enough votes to stay in power, but they also found that center-left parties — excluding Arab parties, which most Zionist parties have said would not be invited to join their coalition — would not get the 61-seat majority to form a winning coalition.
Channels 14 and i24NEWS news projected that the coalition would be able to remain in power, but with a smaller majority than it received in 2022, as it has consistently received in polling since then.
Netanyahu appeared defensive in a televised statement on Saturday night, during which he argued that the results of the nearly six-week war against Iran had been positive, and the ceasefire may not be final: “There are people who say ‘we have no achievements.’ There are giant achievements.”
“The campaign is not yet over, but even now it can be clearly stated: We have achieved historic accomplishments,” Netanyahu continued. “Iran tried to squeeze us in a stranglehold; Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Assad regime in Syria, the militias in Iraq, the Houthis in Yemen, Iran itself. They wanted to choke us, and we are choking them. … Those who threatened to destroy us are now fighting for their own survival.”
Netanyahu went on to list the war’s achievements: “We succeeded in crushing the nuclear program, crushing the missile program,” and brought Iran’s regime “to its lowest, weakest level since the establishment of the regime 47 years ago.” He also listed dozens of senior officials and military commanders who had been killed by Israel and weapons sites that had been destroyed.
Still, the prime minister acknowledged that the enriched uranium in Iran must be removed “either … by agreement, or it will come out in other ways.”
Netanyahu also spoke at length about negotiations with Lebanon as the IDF continued operations against Hezbollah. He said the talks would be about the disarmament of the Iran-backed terrorist group and “a real peace agreement” with Beirut.
In polls released the night before, Israeli channels 12 and 13 and public broadcaster Kan found that a narrow majority of Israelis (from 51% to 56%) said they oppose the two-week ceasefire with Iran. In addition, in a poll published Sunday by the Institute for National Security Studies at Tel Aviv University, 61% of Israelis opposed the ceasefire, and less than a third (31%) said they believed that the Iranian regime was significantly harmed in the war.
Elie Pieprz, an international political consultant who has worked on Likud campaigns, argued that Netanyahu doesn’t need the war to come to a conclusively positive end for Israel for him to use it to his political advantage.
“The prime minister has always thrived when something tantalizing is very close, and [he can say] ‘if you just give me another term, I can bring this home,” Pieprz said. “I think regime change [in Iran] is exactly one of those things.”
Conversely, Nilly Richman, a strategist who has worked with President Isaac Herzog and launched Yair Lapid’s Yesh Atid party, told Jewish Insider that “there is no doubt that Netanyahu is stressed, and he is broadcasting it.”
According to Richman, the stress comes from the fact that “the polls aren’t bringing [Netanyahu] to the point he hoped to be in after this war” and that he will have to testify again in the corruption trials against him this week, now that Israel is no longer in a state of emergency.
According to Kan’s poll, the current coalition parties were projected to receive 51 seats, while Zionist opposition parties got 59. Likud received 25 seats, down from 28 in the previous week’s polls, while former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett’s yet-unnamed party was steady at 19.
On Channel 12, Israel’s most-watched news broadcast, Likud was projected to drop to 25 from 27 last week, and Bennett to rise from 20 to 22 seats. The coalition would get 50 seats, and the Zionist opposition 60, according to the poll.
In Channel 13’s poll, the coalition got 54 seats and the Zionist opposition received 55. Likud received 22 seats, up from 25 last week, and Bennett went from 18 to 21.
Newer, more right-leaning channels 14 and i24 News, however, showed Netanyahu would be able to form a majority coalition with his current partners. They did not ask about support for the ceasefire.
In i24’s poll, Likud received 32 seats and former IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar Party led the opposition with 14 seats. The coalition would win 64 seats and the Zionist opposition received 45.
Pro-Netanyahu Channel 14, whose pollster, former Netanyahu aide Shlomo Filber, most accurately predicted the results of the last election, found that the right-wing bloc received 66 seats while the Zionist opposition received 42. The poll also gave Likud 36 seats and Bennett’s party 10, with Yashar leading the Zionist opposition with 11 seats.
Filber’s poll was also the only one asking about the Joint List — a bloc of all four Arab parties, which they have said they plan to form — rather than polling them as the two separate blocs they have in the current Knesset – and found that the singular bloc received 12 seats, more than any Zionist opposition party.
Former Defense Minister Benny Gantz’s party did not pass the electoral threshold in any of the polls, while Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s party passed it in the polls from Channels 13 and 14 and i24.
Pieprz said that “polls taken six months out [to the election] are not super-relevant, [though] there is value to tracking polls.”
Richman argued that “polls taken a moment after something happened are meaningless. It takes a moment for everything to sink in.” She also noted that “people want to see what will happen in two weeks,” when the current ceasefire with Iran is due to expire.
However, she pointed to a poll Channel 12 took of residents of Israel’s north as especially significant. Residents of the north are worth about 35 Knesset seats, and continue to be attacked by Hezbollah multiple times a day. The poll found that 70% of them — including a third of those who voted for the coalition in the last election — give the government a bad grade in dealing with their issues. While in 2022, the number of coalition and Zionist opposition voters in the north were about even, the Zionist opposition is now leading in the north by eight points.
Richman estimated that “three to four seats could move between the blocs.”
Much of that movement is from Likud to former Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman’s Israel Beytenu party, which is “on the right, but against Bibi,” Reichman said. She said that Liberman has kept his distance from the center-left and right-wing blocs, saying that he can be part of a coalition without Haredim or Arabs or the left-wing Democrats Party, a claim that appeals to moderate right-wing voters.
Pieprz said that, in line with Liberman’s more independent messaging, he may be signaling that he would be willing to join a coalition with Netanyahu but without Haredi parties, and that Netanyahu may be willing to do that rather than enter another cycle of multiple consecutive elections. “I don’t think Bibi will feel indebted to the Haredim,” he said.
Richman said moderate right-wing voters who don’t want to vote for Netanyahu are not moving toward Bennett, who is hawkish and holds right-wing positions on settlements, the economy and more. “Bennett will have to betray the left so that the right will forgive him” for forming a coalition with left-wing parties and an Arab party in 2021, she argued.
Pieprz said that Bennett is “moving in a downward trend” in the polls, and that “people in the opposition express frustration that he’s not going after voters on the right, and instead trying to concretize a base on the left, creating a problematic dynamic. I don’t think he can maintain it for six months.”
Pieprz noted that there has been a lot of infighting within the Zionist opposition, especially between Eisenkot and Bennett for dominance in the bloc.While calling the infighting “a bad look, they will never win that way,” he said they “have enough time to reconfigure and get on the same page and act in a way that shows the Israeli public that there is a legitimate alternative to Netanyahu.”
He posited that Netanyahu “is in relatively good shape, primarily because there is not a robust and developed opposition. … People supporting the prime minister are pretty solid. It would take a lot to dislodge [their votes]. In the opposition, there is fluidity.”
Pieprz, however, said that Netanyahu “squeezed out a lot of the political benefit of the war itself” — such as passing a budget that will allow his coalition to survive months longer than it may have — “and now he has to frame [the war] properly over the next six months. … He can make that case ‘allow me and the team that got us to this point to push it over the top.’”
Richman noted that the successful attacks on Iran’s nuclear program during last year’s 12-day war did not impact Netanyahu’s political standing much, but projected that after this war, the prime minister is likely to decline further in the polls.
“Bibi built [a monster] that ate him,” she said. “If Iran is so scary … Well, [Israel] attacked Iran and not much happened to us, Israel wasn’t destroyed, so we don’t need [Netanyahu] anymore. It’s like [former UK Prime Minister] Winston Churchill” — who lost an election right after World War II and Netanyahu is known to admire — “Be careful what you wish for, Bibi.”
The prime minister’s governing coalition is struggling to stay intact to pass 2026 budget amid shifting political priorities
GIL COHEN-MAGEN/POOL/AFP via Getty Images
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich (2nd R) arrive for a cabinet meeting at the Bible Lands Museum in Jerusalem on June 5, 2024.
The war against Iran may have united the vast majority of Israelis who support its aims, but much of the governing coalition’s prewar political obstacles still have to be resolved by the end of the month — including the passing of a state budget for the current year and a Haredi conscription law — or else an early election will automatically be called.
The coalition failed to pass a 2026 budget by Dec. 31, a regular occurrence in Israel, due to several policy disputes. By law, if the Dec. 31 deadline is not met, it may be extended to the end of March. However, if the Knesset does not pass a budget by the end of March, the law states that the body will automatically dissolve, with an election held 90 days later.
The Knesset is slated to go into recess on March 24, but it appears increasingly likely that the legislature will stay in session, with efforts to finalize the budget continuing until hours before Passover, which begins on the evening of April 1.
If Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his coalition succeed in approving a budget, the official election date would be set for Oct. 26, though the parties could choose to hold it on an earlier date.
Some Israeli media have reported that Netanyahu would prefer to hold the election before Rosh Hashanah (Sept. 12) and the subsequent three weeks of Jewish holidays; other analysts have said he would not want an election after Oct. 7, because the date will serve as a reminder of his government’s failure to prevent Hamas’ 2023 terror attack.
If the coalition does not succeed in passing a budget, the election will be held at the end of June, and Netanyahu’s Likud party will have to launch a campaign, potentially as the war with Iran is still ongoing.
Before the war, the biggest political challenge for Netanyahu’s government related to issues surrounding Haredi military service.
The Haredi exemption from the mandatory IDF draft was canceled by the High Court of Justice in 2023, just prior to the Hamas attacks — and shortly before Israelis became acutely aware of the IDF’s urgent manpower needs. Since then, the government has been embroiled in legal and legislative disputes over how many young Haredi men to conscript and what penalties should be imposed on those who refuse to serve.
With the issue unresolved, both Haredi parties quit their Cabinet posts last year, though Shas and parts of United Torah Judaism mostly continued voting with the coalition in the Knesset. Still, the parties demanded that a bill reducing penalties for not serving in the IDF be passed before they supported the budget.
While the head of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Netanyahu loyalist Boaz Bismuth, led the effort to draft legislation that the Haredi parties would agree to — the proposal would institute relatively low enlistment quotas and lessen and defer most penalties for refusing to serve — enough members of Knesset from other coalition parties opposed it that it was unclear that Bismuth’s bill would get enough votes to pass.
Last week, Netanyahu and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich announced that coalition parties agreed to put aside all controversial legislation, including the Haredi draft bill, as well as a reform led by Smotrich to further privatize the dairy sector, which faced significant opposition within Likud. The Haredi parties were reportedly incentivized to drop their insistence on passing the bill when Smotrich and Netanyahu agreed to meet their other budgetary demands.
Dropping the Haredi draft bill means that the status quo remains: The IDF is legally required to send draft notices to all Haredi men aged 18-26, though they do not have to send them all at once, and the government must stop funding yeshivas for young men who are required by law to draft. Yet the government does not plan to enforce the law while the war against Iran is ongoing, Cabinet Secretary Yossi Fuchs told the High Court on Thursday.
Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara flagged some Haredi budgetary demands as illegal, leading the parties to threaten once again to vote against the state budget unless the same amount of funding is diverted to places that Baharav-Miara would not reject. That dispute delayed a vote on increasing the wartime defense budget that had been set for Monday.
At the same time, National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and his Otzma Yehudit party have yet to drop their most controversial proposal, the death penalty for terrorists, which they continue to demand be passed before the budget vote. Otzma has followed through on past threats to vote against the coalition or absent themselves from key votes if their demands are not met.
Ben-Gvir posted a video on X on Wednesday, in which an off-camera voice said, “I heard the Iranians say that you’re dead.” Standing in front of a gallows with a plaque with Israel’s anthem, a memorial to Jewish underground fighters who were hanged by the British Mandatory government, Ben-Gvir said: “I am dying to execute terrorists. Death penalty for terrorists.”
The signatories said the mayor should choose someone to lead the Office to Combat Antisemitism who is ‘grounded in the day-to-day realities of Jewish communal life’
Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images
New York City Zohran Mamdani speaks on Sept. 15, 2025 in New York City.
New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is facing pressure from a coalition of local Jewish groups to fill a major administration post related to countering antisemitism, one of the key pledges of his campaign.
In a letter the coalition sent to Mamdani on Friday that was shared first with Jewish Insider, the signatories conveyed their priorities with regard to the Office to Combat Antisemitism, which the mayor has vowed to retain.
Jewish leaders have been closely monitoring the administration for signs of the direction Mamdani will take in filling the role, which could help to shed some early light on his broader approach to fighting antisemitism, particularly as his strident opposition to Israel has continued to raise concerns within the mainstream Jewish community.
As his team weighs an appointment to lead the relatively new office, created under former Mayor Eric Adams, the signatories tell Mamdani that the unfilled role has assumed increased urgency amid “escalating threats” against the Jewish community, citing a recent anti-Israel demonstration near a synagogue in Queens where protesters chanted in open support of Hamas.
But even as confronting such “deeply unsettling incidents” is “essential,” the letter states, the office is also responsible for navigating a “more enduring challenge” that involves working “effectively” with a range of city agencies such as the police department as well as local educational and cultural institutions to ensure Jewish New Yorkers “can live openly and safely” while otherwise “free from bias and hate.”
“Ultimately,” the signatories say, “this role demands a leader who is grounded in the day-to-day realities of Jewish communal life and capable of engaging meaningfully with communities across all levels of observance, background and political belief. The individual selected must be able to command trust even among those who may not share their personal views.”
The coalition of signatories describes itself as a group of “grassroots, neighborhood-based” Jewish organizations across the city, representing “a broad spectrum of political and religious perspectives.”
It includes the NYC Public School Alliance, Parents Against Antisemitism, Safe Campus, Park Slope Jewish Affinity Group, End Jew Hatred, Brooklyn and Lower Manhattan Parents Alliance, Hannah Senesh Community Day School, NYC Jewish Parent Leadership Council and Progressives for Israel.
The signatories do not offer suggestions for who should fill the role but express their approval of Moshe Davis, the office’s inaugural executive director under Adams who is not expected to remain in the position.
Davis, the signatories write, earned their “trust and confidence” in his tenure, serving as a “capable and effective” executive director. “Appointing someone in the same mold would be welcomed by the Jewish community,” the letter says, “and would strengthen the office’s credibility and effectiveness.”
Mamdani has not yet indicated who he intends to hire to lead the office. A spokesperson for the mayor told JI last week that his team would have more to share on related appointments in the coming weeks and that such decisions “are still being worked out.”
Last month, the office released a comprehensive report including plans that Mamdani would likely oppose, such as training for all city employees on the working definition of antisemitism used by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance — which labels some criticism of Israel as antisemitic. Mamdani has already rescinded an executive order that codified the definition, angering Jewish leaders who favor its application.
The signatories say they would “welcome the opportunity to advise” Mamdani “in the search for a qualified candidate” for the office, suggesting that “meaningful community input will help ensure the selection of a leader who is trusted, effective and prepared to meet this moment.”
Ramon Maislen, a Jewish community activist in Brooklyn and a member of the Park Slope Jewish Affinity Group, said his organization “represents a wide range of political views, including supporters of Mayor Mamdani.”
“Despite our political differences, we are united in the belief that no New Yorker should be targeted for who they are, and that the alarming rise in antisemitic hate crimes must be addressed,” he said in a statement to JI on Friday. “Given Mayor Mamdani’s pledge to protect Jewish New Yorkers, his appointment to lead the mayor’s Office to Combat Antisemitism will be critical.”
The possibility of new elections taking place soon, more than any particular shift in military strategy or policy decisions, is looking like the most likely factor that could advance progress in the region
ABIR SULTAN/POOL/AFP via Getty Images
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gives a press conference at the Prime minister's office in Jerusalem on August 10, 2025.
In the run-up to the U.S. presidential election last year, one common refrain heard in Israeli leadership was to wait out the election in the hope of a friendlier Trump administration taking over.
Increasingly, many pro-Israel voices in the United States are quietly saying the same thing about upcoming Israeli elections, which polls suggest could usher in a more moderate coalition, and diminish the influence of far-right leaders in the current Israeli government.
The possibility of new elections taking place soon, more than any particular shift in military strategy or policy decisions, is looking like the most likely factor that could advance progress in the region.
While Israeli elections are not guaranteed to take place until October 2026, the legislative crisis over Haredi conscription in the IDF is looking like it could collapse Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition, and move up the election timetable to as early as next January.
What has prevented elections until now is the fact that all members of the governing coalition are projected to lose seats if elections are held. That most Israelis want new elections is the very reason why they haven’t happened – yet.
Indeed, if elections were held today, Netanyahu would be in serious trouble. A recent poll commissioned by Israel’s Channel 12 found the anti-Netanyahu bloc making up a narrow majority of 61 of the Knesset’s 120 seats, with the current Likud-led coalition sitting at 49 seats, and Arab parties making up the remaining 10 seats.
Likud won 32 seats in the 2022 election that brought Netanyahu back to power; his party polls at 24 seats right now. The far-right parties led by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir also lost significant support since 2022, dropping from their current 14 seats to 10.
Public polling in Israel also shows majority sentiment favoring a deal that would return all the hostages for an end to the war, along with broad concern that an extended war or occupation in Gaza would wreak havoc on Israel’s social cohesion and economic vitality.
There has been a political subtext to much of the Israeli government’s decision-making in the last several years. Even amid the remarkable success of Israel’s 12-day war against Iran, Netanyahu didn’t get the type of political bump successful wartime leaders typically do.
Throughout the war, he’s been in a defensive crouch, with his playbook focused on keeping his far-right partners, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, satisfied to avert a collapse in the government that would necessitate early elections.
But with Israel’s international isolation becoming a growing political issue, and the concern over the fate of the remaining hostages driving domestic discourse, the politics have changed in Israel. That means Israel’s political calendar — and the prospect of elections around the corner — may end up playing a decisive role in the future of the war.
Plus, Brooklyn’s new chosen duo
Spencer Platt/Getty Images
New York City Mayor Eric Adams attends a memorial for the 30th anniversary of the killing of teenager Ari Halberstam on the Brooklyn Bridge on March 1, 2024, in New York City.
Good Friday morning.
In today’s Daily Kickoff, we look at the coalition coalescing around New York City Mayor Eric Adams as he launches his independent bid for reelection, facing off against presumptive Democratic nominee Zohran Mamdani, and talk to senators following yesterday’s classified briefing on U.S. strikes on Iran. We report on Kentucky MAGA PAC’s seven-figure ad blitz targeting Rep. Thomas Massie, and spotlight basketball players Ben Saraf and Danny Wolf following their drafting by the Brooklyn Nets. Also in today’s Daily Kickoff: Peter Orszag, Gen. Dan Caine and Karen Paikin Barall.
For less-distracted reading over the weekend, browse this week’s edition of The Weekly Print, a curated print-friendly PDF featuring a selection of recent Jewish Insider and eJewishPhilanthropy stories, including: Schumer struggles to live up to ‘shomer’ designation amid pressure from his party; Sharansky: ‘The Iranian regime was exposed before its people as a paper tiger; and As Israeli staff delayed by sky closure, Jewish camps scramble for (hopefully) temporary replacements. Print the latest edition here.
What We’re Watching
- Senior administration officials are slated to hold a classified briefing with House lawmakers on the Israel-Iran war, a day after senators met for a similar briefing.
- The Senate will vote this evening on Sen. Tim Kaine’s (D-VA) war powers resolution.
- At the Aspen Ideas Festival tomorrow, The New York Times’ Tom Friedman is slated to speak in a session about diplomacy in the modern age, and again later in the day at a plenary that will also feature Maryland Gov. Wes Moore and CNN’s Fareed Zakaria. On Sunday, Sen. Dave McCormick (R-PA) and Dina Powell McCormick will speak about their recently released book, Who Believed in You? Later in the day, former Deputy National Security Advisor Anne Neuberger, former CIA Director David Petreaus and Sen. Andy Kim (D-NJ) will speak on a panel about the future of warfare. Also Sunday, former National Security Advisor John Bolton will speak about energy security amid a shifting geopolitical landscape, and the Carlyle Group’s David Rubenstein will speak in a sessions titled “Economics, Leadership and Legacy.”
- Today is the deadline for former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo to exit the New York City mayoral race and remove himself from the November ballot, following his loss to presumptive Democratic nominee Zohran Mamdani in Tuesday’s Democratic primary. Cuomo is expected to stay on the “Fight & Deliver” line he created months ago as a contingency plan.
What You Should Know
A QUICK WORD WITH JI’S JOSH KRAUSHAAR
Mainstream political and business leaders in New York City, including the organized Jewish community, will soon need to decide whether to coalesce against far-left presumed Democratic mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani — by rallying behind the candidacy of scandal-plagued Mayor Eric Adams despite his significant political baggage.
Adams, who is running as an independent in the race, appears to be the only alternative candidate capable of putting together a campaign rallying anti-socialists across the city to stop Mamdani. It won’t be easy, given Adams’ own low approval ratings and record of alleged corruption, but the makings of an anti-Mamdani coalition are there — at least on paper.
For Adams to win plurality support in a general election, it would require most Republicans to put partisanship aside and vote for Adams to stop the socialist, and hold onto most of the Black, Jewish voters and moderate Democratic voters who voted in large numbers for former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo in the primary. Adams benefits from the name recognition of incumbency, and the potential to receive support from outside centrist groups spending on his behalf.
Keeping a bipartisan coalition of that nature will be challenging, especially given the mayor’s own unpopular record. It would require a number of lucky breaks, from Cuomo opting not to run in the general election (he appears to be staying on the ballot without an active campaign) to Republicans effectively nudging their voters to back Adams when there’s a Republican already on the ballot. But if the campaign is less about Adams and more about stopping left-wing radicalism on crime, the economy and antisemitism, it’s not implausible to see a campaign coalescing around a “block socialism, vote Adams” type of message.
Here’s the political math: Adams would have to win over most New York City Republicans — President Donald Trump won 30% of the citywide vote in 2024 — while remaining competitive with Democrats and winning over independents who weren’t eligible to participate in the Democratic primary.
MAYORAL MOVES
Moderate coalition forming to stop Mamdani, rallies behind Mayor Eric Adams

Days after New York state Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani’s stunning upset in the Democratic primary for mayor of New York City, an emerging effort to block his path to Gracie Mansion is now beginning to materialize among a coalition of Jewish community leaders, business executives and Republican donors who have expressed alarm about his far-left policies and strident opposition to Israel. While still in its nascent stage, the anti-Mamdani coalition is coalescing behind Eric Adams, the embattled mayor who skipped the primary to run as an independent and launched his reelection bid on Thursday, Jewish Insider’s Matthew Kassel reports.
Proactive push: Some opponents of Mamdani view Adams as the most effective vehicle to stop the presumptive Democratic nominee from winning in November, and are readying for a fight. Among other possible efforts now in the works is a “big push” to create an independent expenditure committee backed by real estate executives and other donors to boost Adams’ campaign, according to one consultant familiar with the matter. “That’s definitely going to happen,” the consultant told JI on Thursday, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss ongoing private deliberations. “People aren’t going to be taking this easy and just dealing with Mamdani,” he explained, noting the pro-Israel donor community could join the outside spending effort. “I’m sure some people are, but the people who have a lot to lose aren’t.”
Speaking out: Former Obama administration OMB Director Peter Orszag, the CEO of Lazard, sounded an alarm Thursday morning over the leftward direction of the Democratic Party, especially when it comes to its handling of antisemitism. “I’m saddened to say the Democratic Party is becoming increasingly antisemitic and anti-capitalism… Turning away from your principles and towards antisemitism never works,” Orszag said on CNBC’s “Money Movers” yesterday afternoon, Jewish Insider’s Jake Schlanger reports.






































































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