Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth indicated at a Senate Appropriations Committee hearing on Tuesday that the U.S. military has the capacity to destroy Iran’s Pickaxe Mountain, the underground site suspected of housing elements of Tehran’s nuclear program, following a series of threats by President Donald Trump to strike the site.

The facility is buried inside a mountain in a manner that experts believe would be difficult to fully destroy, even with the heavy munitions used by the U.S. to target Iran’s Fordow and Natanz facilities last summer.

“A lot of our capabilities are classified,” Hegseth said, in response to a question about whether the U.S. has the capacity to destroy the facility. “But if anybody in the world can reach anything on God’s green earth, it’s the United States military, the most powerful military in the world. It’s all about options and trade-offs.” 

"If anybody in the world can reach anything on God’s green earth, it’s the United States military."

Pete Hegseth indicated the U.S. military can destroy Pickaxe Mountain, suspected of housing elements of Iran's nuclear program.

Read more: https://t.co/wxqcuGwu2t pic.twitter.com/an5VEFu4aZ

— Jewish Insider (@jewishinsider) July 22, 2026

Hegseth, during a hearing focused on a nearly $90 billion supplemental funding request to recoup costs from the war, estimated the current costs of the Iran war at $37.5 billion, up from a $29 billion estimate provided by another Pentagon official in mid-May. He said that estimate includes certain expenses such as troop pay through the end of the fiscal year, but does not incorporate other expenditures related to the war.

He did not directly address a question about whether the Pentagon would put forward another supplemental request to repair or rebuild damaged U.S. bases and facilities, which were excluded from the previous Pentagon estimate.

Asked whether China and Russia were assisting Iran in its military operations against the U.S., Hegseth suggested that they were, but declined to discuss the extent of the cooperation.

“There’s definitely adversary alignment — attempts to do so — and there are many ways that we deter that,” Hegseth said. “Some of which are — and the depth and extent of it ought to remain — classified, and it should. But there are ways in which both of those countries are, at different levels, enabling some of the things Iran is doing.”

Sen. Mike Rounds (R-SD) pressed Gen. Dan Caine, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, on whether the supplemental would provide sufficient resources to “appropriately end this war favorable to the United States and to take care of this problem permanently.” 

Caine responded that such a scenario would be dependent on how Iran responds and behaves.

“I can’t answer the question on what it will cost because the enemy has a vote. What I’ll commit to you as this plays out, we’ll make sure that the Congress is informed,” Caine said. “But because I’m not quite sure how this is going to play out yet, it would be unwise for me to comment on what a future cost may or may not be depending on what they choose.”

Hegseth said that the administration continues to believe it has the authorities necessary to continue the war without congressional authorization, but said he would defer to legal experts on whether passing the supplemental would constitute a congressional authorization for use of military force — an argument made by the Clinton administration during operations against Yugoslavia in the 1990s.

Throughout the hearing, Hegseth insisted that Iran’s capabilities had been significantly degraded, despite its continued attacks on commercial shipping and U.S. bases around the region, several of which have recently resulted in the deaths and injuries of U.S. service members. Hegseth also called the U.S. blockade of Iranian ports “effectively impenetrable.”

“Iran is at the weakest point militarily it has ever been in in the past decade, certainly — maybe in 47 years,” Hegseth said. He said the Iranian regime had built thousands of ballistic missiles to defend its nuclear program “many of which we have destroyed, others of which they have hidden in underground facilities.”

“So I acknowledge they still have capabilities, no doubt,” Hegseth continued. “But the amount of damage that we’ve done to them over the course of these series of operations has put them in the worst place they’ve ever been.”

He didn’t answer questions about whether the U.S. would attempt to impose tolls on the Strait of Hormuz, as Trump recently floated and then walked back.

Caine acknowledged that air power has “limits, and we always have to be mindful of those,” but argued that the U.S. has other capabilities in the diplomatic, informational, economic and military realms. He declined to discuss the possibility of U.S. ground forces being deployed to Iran, but said that his job involves developing a range of options and laying out their risks.

Though the hearing was principally focused on the supplemental request that the administration put forward to cover the Iran war, Hegseth and Caine both repeatedly argued for the full $1.5 trillion military funding request the administration has put forward for 2027.

It’s unclear at this point if or how that request will be fulfilled. Lawmakers had planned to include $1.15 trillion in the base defense budget and an additional $350 billion in a partisan reconciliation bill, but both of those are currently in limbo.

Senate Democrats have largely rejected the $1.15 trillion topline, particularly in the midst of the Iran war, and the House’s third reconciliation bill aims to cover just the Iran supplemental request.

Republicans are now floating the idea of a fourth reconciliation bill — but many Senate Republicans have been skeptical that the current third package can pass, so it’s not clear how realistic another reconciliation bill would be ahead of the midterm elections.

“This request is an urgent, necessary injection of resources to address the immediate needs of our department. The supplemental funding request is not a substitute for the president’s full $1.5 trillion base budget request,” Hegseth said, amid repeated interruptions of his opening statement by anti-war protesters in the chamber. “$1.5 trillion is what the president seeks and what we need to defend the country. The members of this committee understand better than most that long-term strategic dominance cannot be funded through one-off supplementals.”

Hegseth lambasted what he alleged was neglect and gross negligence by the Biden administration, as well as blaming U.S. aid to Ukraine for some of the current deficits, and said that without additional funding, the U.S. would face “critical shortfalls” that would imperil its ability to pay service members, replenish supplies and continue critical operations.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said during a Senate Appropriations Committee hearing on Tuesday that the Trump administration does not plan to and does not believe it needs to seek congressional approval should it decide to resume military operations in Iran, further sidelining Congress at a time when a growing number of Republicans are becoming hesitant about continued U.S. military operations.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-AK), who has been working on an Authorization for Use of Military Force to set parameters for the operation in Iran, said that the War Powers Act makes clear that the administration must terminate hostilities within 60 days without congressional approval, a timeline that expired on April 28. She said it did not appear, despite the administration’s assertions, that the hostilities in the Gulf had actually ended.

“Our view is that, should the president make the decision to recommence, that we would have all the authorities necessary to do so,” Hegseth responded. 

Hegseth and other top military leaders testified to both the Senate and House Appropriations Committees on Tuesday.

During the hearing, which took place a day before President Donald Trump is set to depart for China to meet with President Xi Jinping, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) emphasized that Beijing is “propping up Russia and Iran” and that it would have a significant capability to pressure Iran into changing course if it were to cease purchasing oil from Iran.

Graham also continued to voice concerns about Pakistan’s role as a mediator in the U.S.-Iran talks, citing a report from the day prior about Pakistan hosting Iranian military aircraft on its military bases. Both Hegseth and Gen. Dan Caine, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, declined to comment on those reports.

“That tells me we should be looking maybe for somebody else to mediate” between the U.S. and Iran. “No wonder this damn thing is going nowhere,” Graham told the military officials. “I appreciate all you’ve done, I’m very supportive of it, but when it comes to Pakistan and China, enough already.”

Jules Hurst III, the acting Pentagon comptroller, said that the cost of the war thus far, including munitions used in the war, is around $29 billion, a sum that Democrats countered seemed low. 

Hurst acknowledged that estimate didn’t include the potentially sizable costs for rebuilding U.S. installations damaged or destroyed in Iranian counterattacks. He said that the costs of such rebuilding would be dependent on the U.S.’ posture and needs going forward and potential contributions from host countries.

He indicated it could also increase further depending on costs for repairing or replacing damaged aircraft.

Hegseth and Caine insisted that the U.S. maintains sufficient munitions stockpiles to carry out any missions that are required, though Caine said that he appreciated efforts by Congress to provide funding for more munitions production.

Hegseth also asserted that the war had been massively successful in achieving the U.S.’ goals, and that the U.S. has the capabilities for a range of scenarios including resuming the war, to ensure that it will end on the U.S.’ terms.

“There are lots of different discussions with our negotiating team, they’re happening … different drafts, different perspectives. It’s a very dynamic situation where a negotiated settlement could be the outcome here, where Iran does not have nuclear capabilities,” Hegseth said. He sidestepped questions about the specific terms of the ceasefire agreement.

Pressed on whether Iran’s support for terrorism and ballistic missile program are part of negotiations, Hegseth said that the negotiations are not his responsibility but “we have world-class negotiators” and “the core of it is the nuclear weapons issue” but “those other factors are always a factor.”

Asked by Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME), chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, whether the U.S. had anticipated the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Caine declined to discuss the specific advice he provided to the administration but said that the military had considered the full range of potential consequences.

“It seems to me that there’s been a different plan almost daily [for] dealing with this problem,” Collins said.

Caine said that the issue of the Strait of Hormuz is a complex one, as Iran uses small boats and low-cost drones to attack larger vessels, but urged Iran to “think wisely about their next moves” and open the waterway voluntarily.

Hegseth emphasized the effectiveness of the U.S. blockade of Iranian ports, insisting that “the economic pressure that creates on them greatly outstrips the pressure on us. … Nothing’s going in that we don’t allow to go in. And trust me, when we look at what Iran’s thinking about that — they know they can’t break it.”

He repeatedly dodged questions about specific plans for reopening the strait and securing trade moving through it in the short-term. He said that there are “certainly” military means by which the strait could be re-opened, but said that a diplomatic deal is the “preferred long-term approach.”

On both sides of the aisle, in both hearings, senior lawmakers raised questions about the administration’s decision to split off more than $300 billion of the proposed $1.5 trillion defense budget request into a proposed partisan reconciliation package, rather than trying to pass it through regular order. That request was also finalized prior to the war in Iran.

Lawmakers warned that reconciliation packages would not be a sustainable path to growing and maintaining U.S. defense capabilities in the long term, and that a third reconciliation package might not be feasible at all this year.

Saying that funding to protect synagogues and other religious-based nonprofits “has not kept pace to meet the moment,” 41 senators — almost entirely Democrats — wrote to leaders of the Senate Appropriations Committee urging members to provide $750 million in funding for the Nonprofit Security Grant Program in 2027.

That figure amounts to a substantial increase in funding over current levels, as well as over Senate lawmakers’ request from last year.

The program was funded in 2025 at $274.5 million, which has not yet been disbursed, and the still-stalled 2026 Homeland Security funding bill includes $300 million for the program. Yet, in 2024, the program fulfilled just 43% of requests, even with additional funding provided through a national security supplemental bill that year. Jewish and interfaith groups, as well as House lawmakers, have been pushing for up to $1 billion for the program.

Last year, 33 senators requested $500 million for the program, a record-high request at the time. This year’s request represents a new high-water mark, both in terms of the funding requested and the number of lawmakers who signed the bipartisan letter in support.

“The threat of violence is unfortunately increasing at places of worship across our country at alarming rates. In the past few years, there has been an increase in hoax bomb threats and attacks against houses of worship that are intended to interrupt services and intimidate worshippers. In particular, there has been an increase in antisemitic incidents across the country following the October 7th attack on Israel,” the senators wrote. “Nationwide, there have been countless acts of violence against religious communities.”

The lawmakers also urged the Appropriations Committee to “maintain separate line-items for this program,” amid reports that the administration has been pushing to convert Federal Emergency Management Agency grant programs, under which NSGP falls, into a broad state-by-state block grant.

The administration also called for cuts to non-emergency FEMA grants, a category that includes NSGP, without making any specific line-item request for the NSGP.

“[F]unding has not kept pace to meet the moment,” the lawmakers added, highlighting a litany of attacks on religious institutions and the funding shortages in 2024.

The letter was led by Sens. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY), James Lankford (R-OK), Gary Peters (D-MI) and Jacky Rosen (D-NV). Only two Republicans other than Lankford joined the effort: Sens. Kevin Cramer (R-ND) and Josh Hawley (R-MO).

“As we continue to work with Congress to secure Jewish communities, the bipartisan consensus in the Senate around $750 million for the Nonprofit Security Grant Program is a monumental step toward our community’s $1 billion goal,” Eric Fingerhut, the CEO of the Jewish Federations of North America, said. “At a time of rising antisemitism and an escalating security crisis facing vulnerable communities across the country, demand continues to far outpace available funding.” 

Fingerhut said that JFNA plans to bring Jewish activists from across the country to lobby Congress on the issue next month “and urge them to act with urgency and resolve to ensure at-risk institutions have the resources they need before the next incident, not after.”

Lauren Wolman, the Anti-Defamation League’s senior director of government relations and strategy, said, “At a time of sustained and evolving threats, this program remains a critical lifeline for houses of worship and nonprofit institutions working to protect their communities. Demand continues to far outpace available resources, and we urge Congress to ensure funding levels reflect the reality on the ground.”

Nathan Diament, the executive director of the Orthodox Union Advocacy Center, said, “The need for increased NSGP funding remains critical. We are thankful to the large bipartisan group of Senators who signed onto this letter.”

“OU Advocacy will keep pressing on all fronts to deliver the funding our Shuls and schools need to stay safe,” Diament continued.

Following Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s announcement that Israel seeks to wean itself off of U.S. aid within next 10 years, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) told Jewish Insider he will push forward an effort to end U.S. aid more quickly — a major shift from one of Israel’s closest allies on Capitol Hill.

“From my point of view as an American, now that this decision has been made, I don’t think we need to wait 10 years,” Graham, who chairs the State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs (SFOPs) subcommittee of the Senate Appropriations Committee, said. “I’m going to work on expediting the wind down of the aid and recommend we plow the money back into our own military.”

The majority of direct U.S. military aid to Israel — $3.3 billion annually through the U.S.-Israel memorandum of understanding — comes through the SFOPs budget package. An additional $500 million in cooperative missile defense funding for co-produced systems is provided through the Defense funding tranche, along with funds for other cooperative programs.

The current MOU guaranteeing $3.8 billion per year expires in 2028.

Graham said that he wants to see the funding redirected into the U.S. military, in light of President Donald Trump’s plan, announced this week, to request $1.5 trillion for the Pentagon for 2027, a more than 50% increase over the 2025 budget.

“President Trump’s budget request of $1.5 trillion for [the] Department of War is a major increase, and every dollar we can recoup, from efficiency or allies who don’t need the money anymore, is welcome to go into building up our military,” Graham said. “Israel’s a great friend and a marvelous military, but we’re the only superpower in the world. America and the demands on us are at an all-time high because of the threats. The American military is the best in the world and in great demand. So what I think is best for America, now that Israel has made this decision, is to expedite this money, plowing it back into our own military needs.”

Netanyahu’s announcement came at a time of rising criticism of U.S. aid to Israel on both sides of the aisle.

But Graham argued that — if Israeli leaders believe that winding down U.S. aid will help rebuild support for the Jewish state among those who are critical of Israel — they are likely mistaken. He added that he’d communicated that view to Israeli leaders, but they pushed ahead anyway.

“From a political point of view, if people in Israel think this will get more support in America, I doubt it. I don’t think people who support Israel and understand its vital role object to the aid, which is a small fraction of our budget, and I don’t think you get any credit from people who think Israel is a liability by reducing our military assistance,” Graham said. “I made that position clear, but Israel is a sovereign nation, a great friend. I respect their decision.”

The South Carolina senator said that he “respect[s]” Netanyahu’s decision, adding “As an American, you’re always appreciating allies that can be more self-sufficient.”

Graham described the U.S. funding for Israel as a “great investment” for U.S. national security which has ultimately saved American taxpayer funding and filled capacities the U.S. would otherwise struggle to achieve.

“The investment we’ve made into the IDF has been a great investment for our national security. We have no better ally than Israel. The more capable they are, the safer America [is],” Graham said. “So I’ve always seen this money going to the IDF as investing in a very capable partner being able to do things that we can’t do at a fairly small price. It would be hard for America, if not impossible, to replicate some of the things the Israeli military and intelligence community can do because of location and expertise.”

Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) wrote to Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem on Tuesday pushing for additional information about Nonprofit Security Grant Program allocations, as well as criticizing the funding allocation proposed last week by Republicans on the Senate Appropriations Committee.

“As I travel around Connecticut and hear from community leaders here and around the country, I am struck by the severely heightened anxiety and apprehension about physical threats to places of worship and community centers involving hate-based violence,” Blumenthal said. “One of the most important tools at our disposal to combat such hate and protect religious institutions and minority communities is the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s (FEMA) Nonprofit Security Grant Program (NSGP).”

Blumenthal said it is “critical for Congress to have fulsome data” about the program as it works to finalize 2026 government funding, and requested data on grant applications and acceptances, the reasons why FEMA has provided less funding than requested to some institutions and the resources FEMA provided to unsuccessful applicants for each year from 2023 to 2025.

He asked Noem to submit the data by Jan. 6, 2026.

Blumenthal also said he’s “disappointed” by the proposed funding level of $330 million for the program in 2026 offered by Senate Republicans, which falls “far short of my request and the program’s clear need, with reports indicating recipients requested approximately $1 billion from FEMA in 2024 alone.”

A source familiar with the legislation noted to Jewish Insider the Senate bill includes a 20 percent increase over its 2025 funding level, a greater increase than provided for other grant programs in the bill that generally saw increases of 11 percent to 15 percent. 

The explanatory report accompanying the Senate GOP bill also includes language requesting more specific data from FEMA about past grant applications and acceptances.

Senate Appropriations Committee Republicans, in a long-delayed Homeland Security funding bill released on Friday, proposed a modest increase in funding for the Nonprofit Security Grant Program to $330 million.

The program was funded at $274.5 million in 2025 — not counting supplemental funds included in the 2024 national security supplemental bill. The Senate’s proposed increase comes in far below the $500 million to $1 billion that Jewish community advocates and supporters of the program on Capitol Hill have called for.

The proposal is also slightly below the $335 million approved by the House in its version of the bill earlier this year. The Senate proposal sets off a sprint to finalize 2026 government funding when Congress returns in January, ahead of an end-of-month deadline.

With $305 million available in 2024, the program funded less than half of applications, with nearly $1 billion in total funding requested. The Department of Homeland Security has not yet closed or finalized grant applications for 2025, and has not released data on application or acceptance rates for supplemental funding rounds earlier this year.

The explanatory report accompanying the bill — likely reflecting congressional concerns around a lack of transparency about the program — directs the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide within 180 days a report on 2023, 2024 and 2025 funding grants, the number of applications, and “any quantitative or qualitative results or other outcomes related to such.”

“FEMA is also encouraged to utilize NSGP grants to help nonprofits detect and respond to threats,” the report continues. “The Committee further notes that eligible uses of NSGP grant funding include the acquisition of technology providing immediate notification to emergency 911 services; real-time, actionable intelligence directly to law enforcement and first responders; and other DHS-certified technology designed to prevent and respond to terrorism and other threats.”

It had been unclear just days ago if the Senate Appropriations Committee would release a Homeland Security bill at all, with the top Democrat on the subcommittee, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT), saying he was unsure where the process stood and a Republican member telling Jewish Insider that a full-year continuing resolution — which would continue 2025 funding levels through 2026 — was a possibility.

A spokesperson for Murphy told JI the bill was a GOP product, not, as has been standard, a negotiated draft among both parties.

Lauren Wolman, the Anti-Defamation League’s senior director of government relations and strategy, said that the allocation “is a major step forward and reflects the gravity of the threats facing Jewish communities today.”

“Demand for this program continues to far outpace available funding, and we urge Congress to ensure every at-risk nonprofit can access the security resources it needs,” Wolman continued.

Nathan Diament, the executive director of public policy for the Orthodox Union, said that the Senate proposal is “a useful start to the process.”

“Obviously, in light of recent events, we will be working with our partners to increase that funding level in the final bill,” Diament said. “We appreciate that the Senate bill is on par with what the House reported out earlier this year.”

Michael Masters, the CEO of the Secure Community Network, emphasized that the NSGP funding is critical.

“SCN is deeply appreciative of the Committee’s continued commitment to protecting faith-based communities in today’s unprecedented threat environment. The Nonprofit Security Grant Program has proven time and again to save lives by helping institutions targeted by terror and hate to deter, prevent, and respond to attacks,” Masters said. “At a time when the faith-based community has continued to find itself under attack, this funding is essential to safeguarding communities and preserving our ability to gather and worship — a fundamental right we must fight to preserve, as Americans.”

Rachel Dembo, director of policy and government relations for the Jewish Federations of North America, thanked the committee for the proposal. 

“This is a meaningful step forward as threats to faith communities remain high, particularly for the Jewish community,” Dembo said in a statement. “While more work remains to be done, we urge lawmakers to conference and pass this annual funding bill and keep building toward funding levels that reflect today’s threat environment.”

The massacre in which 15 people were killed at a Hanukkah celebration at Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia, on Sunday has once again brought the Jewish community’s security vulnerabilities into stark focus.

But for the American Jewish community, the prospects for much-needed help from the federal government in the form of additional Nonprofit Security Grant Program funding remain unclear.

The Senate Appropriations Committee’s homeland security subcommittee still hasn’t released a draft bill for 2026, greatly increasing the chances of a full-year continuing resolution that would keep funding for the program flat, at $274.5 million, a level that advocates and proponents on the Hill and Jewish groups say is severely insufficient. The House has passed its own version of the bill with $335 million in funding for the program.

Eric Fingerhut, the CEO of the Jewish Federations of North America, told JI, “The events in Australia and California these past days are terrible reminders of the violent antisemitism Jewish communities face. We’ve worked to ensure that every Federation community has a professional security program and director, but at the end of the day it is the government’s responsibility to keep its citizens safe from terrorism, and that’s why it is critical to both ensure that the Nonprofit Security Grant Program is fully funded and not allowed to lapse.”

Multiple lawmakers on the committee and those who follow the NSGP funding process closely said they have little clarity on the state of play on the funding bill, including subcommittee ranking member Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT) and Sen. James Lankford (R-OK), a co-chair of the Senate antisemitism task force.

Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA), who serves on the homeland security subcommittee, told JI that a full-year continuing resolution is “a real possibility” at present, noting that the legislation “is always tough to put together.”

But Kennedy said there are other ways to boost funding for the grant program. “There’s no reason we can’t do that [add more money for NSGP] if we end up with an omnibus for the remainder of the bills that don’t pass. But every day that goes by that we don’t do something on [Appropriations], an omnibus or CR looks more and more likely,” Kennedy told JI.

Government funding runs out again at the end of January, so lawmakers will need to put together a plan quickly on how they plan to proceed when they return from the holidays.

Grant funding allocations for this year also remain pending — the administration announced applications months ago, but lawmakers have repeatedly raised concerns about unclear timelines and a failure by the Department of Homeland Security to conduct statutorily required outreach programs.

Lankford told JI, “I’ve been calling all year” for the funding to be disbursed, but indicated he hasn’t heard any updates.

Looking into next year, the agenda for combating antisemitism on Capitol Hill also remains unclear. The momentum from Jewish communal institutions and lawmakers that in 2024 drove a push for the Antisemitism Awareness Act has largely died down. It’s been months since the last hearing on antisemitism — once a regular occurrence after Oct. 7, 2023. The volume of legislation introduced and congressional letters on the issue has also seemed to flag.

It’s still early, but there’s little sign that the events of this weekend are fundamentally altering the inertia that seems to have set in on antisemitism policy. Which raises the question: what can?

Senate Appropriations committee members sparred on Thursday over the Trump administration’s sweeping moves to combat campus antisemitism, including withholding hundreds of millions of dollars from some elite institutions.

The debate was sparked by an amendment proposed by Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT) that would prevent the administration from spending any funding on the Office for Civil Rights until the Department of Education inspector general certifies that enforcement actions targeting colleges and universities are being carried out in accordance with law and regulation.

The amendment was voted down along party lines. It’s unclear at this point how much funding the bill — which has not yet been released in full — actually provides for the Office for Civil Rights. The Trump administration had requested substantial cuts to the office’s budget.

Murphy said that the actions taken by the Office for Civil Rights have been undertaken “without going through any of the prescribed processes that we have put in law and previous administrations have put in regulation,” to allow schools and the public to contest and litigate against the decisions before losing federal funding.

“I think the extraordinary ways this administration is ignoring the law or going around the law requires us to do due diligence in making sure that when we appropriate money it gets used for the proper purposes,” Murphy said.

He called the administration’s suspension of funding to Harvard University particularly egregious, specifically highlighting the administration’s demand for greater viewpoint diversity in Harvard’s faculty. 

Murphy argued — as he has previously — that there are no provisions in federal law that give the government any authority to condition funding on the “viewpoint diversity” of the faculty.

Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-WV), the ranking member of the subcommittee responsible for Department of Education funding, pushed back, describing the administration’s actions as necessary and proper to counter “rampant” antisemitism on campuses and address a lack of action by the prior administration.

“Some of those higher education institutions have come to the table with the administration and said, ‘Yes, we’re gonna make changes, and that’s because of the violations of the office of what is under the Office of Civil Rights Under Title VI,’” Capito said. “Your amendment would halt the work of the Office of Civil Rights.”

Capito warned that any pause in Office for Civil Rights activities would likely drag on significantly.

She compared the situation on college campuses to the Nazi regime in World War II.

Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-GA), who is Jewish, condemned the administration’s actions.

“I utterly reject this administration’s cynical exploitation of this issue, which it uses as a fig leaf to take control of and impose its will on institutions of higher education and other critics,” Ossoff said.

During the committee meeting, Democrats emphasized that the Department of Education funding bill as a whole defied Trump’s wishes to defund and dismantle key parts of the department.

The Senate Appropriations Committee’s draft 2026 defense funding bill, approved by a broad bipartisan committee vote on Thursday, includes increases to several U.S.-Israel cooperative defense programs.

The bill includes a total of $80 million in additional funding, as compared to 2025, for several cooperative programs with Israel. It offers a total of $75 million for counter drone and missile programs, $47.5 million for cooperative programs in emerging defense technologies like artificial intelligence and $80 million for counter-tunneling programs, according to a summary released by the committee.

The bill includes $500 million for cooperative missile defense programs including Iron Dome, David’s Sling and Arrow provided annually under the terms of the U.S.-Israel memorandum of understanding.

It also offers additional security assistance funding for Bahrain and Jordan.

The committee debated and rejected two amendments by Democrats addressing the administration’s plans to retrofit a gifted Qatari jumbo jet to serve as Air Force One.

Sen. Jeanne Shaheen’s (D-NH) amendment would have prohibited funding to modify or operate the Qatari jet, highlighting security and corruption concerns about the gift; the unclear costs and timeline associated with the retrofit; and comments by the secretary of the Air Force indicating that the administration plans to pull funding from a nuclear missile program to fund the overhaul.

Recent reports suggest that renovations could cost close to $1 billion.

“This jet was just delivered to the Department of Defense. We need to have a classified briefing to understand any proposed modifications and the risk of not applying them,” Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY) responded, opposing the amendment. “The aircraft timeline is such that it’s not going to be modified with fiscal [year] [20]26 dollars in any event, making this a poison pill political amendment better suited for the [National Defense Authorization Act].”

President Donald Trump said that the plane could make its first flight in February.

Shaheen withdrew the amendment due to Republican comments that the amendment would kill the defense spending bill.

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-CT) offered a more limited amendment that would have blocked the administration from transferring the plane to a private entity before the end of its useful life, an attempt to head off reported plans to transfer the plane, after Trump’s term, to his presidential library, potentially for his personal use, after his presidency.

Republicans again argued that a full briefing is necessary on the administration’s plans before making any such moves, and that the amendment would kill the defense spending bill.

“To address this claim that’s been made a few times that this is a poison pill, if I understand correctly, that means that the Senate would refuse to fund the Pentagon unless it allows the president to accept a jet from a foreign prince. If that’s true, I’d like to understand why that is the line in the sand that would be drawn,” Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-GA) responded. “The only other argument that I can conceive is that we think the President would veto the entire Pentagon budget unless he’s able to accept a jet from a foreign prince. I’d like to see him make that argument to the American public.”

The committee rejected the Murphy amendment by a party line vote.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski said she opposed the two amendments to ensure the bill as a whole could still pass, but said, “I don’t want my ‘no’ vote to be assumed that I’m OK with where we are with this transfer, that I’m OK not knowing the numbers behind it, that I am perhaps OK with the appearances — because I have concerns about them.”

The Senate bill would provide billions in additional funding for air and missile defense systems and to replenish U.S. stockpiles of air defense interceptors, which saw heavy use during the recent war in Gaza.

“Recent operations in the Middle East illustrate how quickly modern warfare can exhaust our arsenal of critical [interceptor] munitions,” McConnell, who chairs the Defense Subcommittee, said. “The administration’s request did not fully maximize production capacity for certain critical munitions.”

“We made lots of improvements in the [administration’s] request given the challenges with missile stockpiles that we’re seeing in Ukraine and the Middle East,” Sen. Chris Coons (D-DE), the subcommittee ranking member, said. “I can’t explain why the administration didn’t propose to buy every single missile it could on existing production lines and expand others, but it didn’t.”

Generally, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle argued that the administration’s defense funding request was too low, and agreed on a bipartisan basis to propose providing $852.5 billion, 2.6% or nearly $22 billion above the administration’s request and the House’s draft of the bill, which the lower chamber approved last month.

Speaking at a Senate Appropriations Committee hearing on Tuesday, Secretary of Education Linda McMahon laid out the administration’s expectations for campus antisemitism policies, but sidestepped how the administration will execute on those directives while making substantial cuts to the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights.

“We’re saying we mean business, these programs and policies have to have teeth, they have to be enforced,” McMahon said. 

She outlined a series of policies the Trump administration wants to see campuses enforce, including banning encampments, prohibiting the use of masks and better vetting of students and professors. Professors, she said, must not teach ideology.

She added that the Office for Civil Rights has opened “many cases” on campus antisemitism and is taking enforcement actions, including pulling funds from multiple schools.

But she failed to directly address concerns from Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-WV), the subcommittee chair, that cuts to OCR could hamper the administration’s ability to adequately address campus antisemitism.