In a wide-ranging New York Times interview published on Saturday, far-right podcaster Tucker Carlson offered an unusually personal defense of Vice President JD Vance, describing him as a close friend while suggesting he is being undermined by hawkish forces inside the White House amid tensions over the administration’s military actions in Iran.

Carlson, who played a key role in encouraging President Donald Trump to select Vance as his 2024 running mate, said he remains a close supporter of the vice president on a personal level. 

“I couldn’t be a bigger fan of him as a man,” Carlson told New York Times podcast host Lulu Garcia-Navarro. He added that Vance is “in a tough spot” because his long-held foreign policy views clash with the administration’s decision to attack Iran in February.

Carlson went on: “I know him well and think so much of him as a person. And it is my guess that, based on his past behavior, that he’s doing everything he can to mitigate what he sees as the ill effects of [the Iran war]. But it’s kind of hard to call the shots when you’re vice president, because that’s not in the Constitution.”

Pressed by Garcia-Navarro when he last spoke to the vice president, Carlson declined to answer. “I don’t know. I mean, I would never characterize that,” he said. “I don’t want to cause him more problems. I would just say I’m not advising. No one’s seeking my counsel. I’m not trying to influence anything. I gave it my best shot. Didn’t work.”

Carlson also took a swipe at Secretary of State Marco Rubio, baselessly alleging that backers of Washington’s top diplomat have been engaging in “nonstop treachery” against Vance. “There are people in the White House who want to hurt JD Vance and have wanted that since the very first day. They were bitter. They wanted Marco Rubio to be the choice as vice president,” Carlson said.

The comments come as Carlson — once a key Trump ally — has publicly broken with the president over Iran policy, describing Trump as being possessed by demonic forces.

Trump, for his part, gave an interview to the New York Post last month calling Carlson a fool and irrelevant to his decision-making. “Tucker’s a low IQ person that has absolutely no idea what’s going on,” the president told the Post. “He calls me all the time; I don’t respond to his calls. I don’t deal with him. I like dealing with smart people, not fools.”

As Vice President JD Vance has recently found himself navigating tenuous negotiations between the United States and Iran, his central role in the talks to end the war is highlighting his own vulnerabilities on the domestic front — where he is facing pushback from the isolationist right that is seen as part of his coalition. 

In many ways, Vance’s political troubles recall his predecessor, former Vice President Kamala Harris, who in her 2024 presidential campaign drew fierce protests from far-left activists who objected to former President Joe Biden’s support for Israel amid the war in Gaza.

Harris, who has grown more openly critical of Israel since losing the race and leaving office, strained both to articulate a consistent message on Gaza that would satisfy the far and center left and to distance her campaign from an aging, unpopular president whose approach to Israel, according to her recent memoir, was not fully aligned with her own.

Anti-Israel activists continue to insist, even years after the election, that Harris’ association with Biden while he supported Israel’s war against Hamas cost her votes that contributed to her defeat, while pro-Israel Democrats claim she failed to draw red lines around growing extremism within the party that alienated moderates, and is now inflecting the midterm elections. More recently, the former vice president faced anti-Israel hecklers during a book tour last year.        

In recent weeks, Vance, who is widely seen as a top 2028 presidential prospect, has likewise struggled to appease a restive coalition of anti-war critics on the populist right who feel his alignment with President Donald Trump’s robust foreign policy agenda represents not only a betrayal of their values but also the noninterventionist views he himself had long espoused.

Last week, in a disruption reminiscent of Harris’ campaign experience, Vance was notably heckled during a speaking appearance at a Turning Point USA event held at the University of Georgia, where an attendee interrupted his comments to accuse the Trump administration of supporting “genocide” in Gaza and “killing children.”

“If you want to complain about what happened in Gaza, why don’t you complain about Joe Biden and the last administration? We’re the administration that solved that problem,” Vance said in response to the heckler, after defending what he called Trump’s “peace agreement in Gaza.”

He also touted his so far unsuccessful efforts to broker a resolution to the Iran war — about which he reportedly voiced resistance behind the scenes before Trump greenlit the campaign in late February — saying he is pursuing the president’s goal to achieve an ambiguously outlined “grand bargain” on nuclear enrichment.

“The United States had never had meetings at that level with the Iranian government in 49 years,” Vance said at the event, days after returning from talks with Iran in Islamabad where he tried and failed to reach a diplomatic agreement.

The vice president was expected on Tuesday to leave for resumed negotiations in the Pakistani capital as a two-week ceasefire was set to soon expire, but his trip was put on hold and the ceasefire extended, raising questions about the prospect of a swift settlement.

While Vance had sought to keep the war at arm’s length in the initial days after the attack on Iran, his high-profile position in the negotiation process has now forced him to identify more closely with the sort of foreign military conflict he had built his political career on opposing. 

As a junior senator from Ohio, Vance even wrote in a January 2023 opinion piece that he was supporting Trump’s reelection campaign because the president “started no wars” in his first four years in the White House.

With Trump’s approval ratings trending downward — and as Republicans fret that the war in Iran as well as rising gasoline prices could undercut their chances of holding the House and Senate in the midterms — much is riding on Vance’s efforts to put an end to the conflict as he lays the groundwork for a potential White House bid.

While polling has shown that Trump’s war aims continue to garner widespread backing within his party, including the MAGA wing, independent voters who were a key part of his winning coalition in 2024 are divided, as are younger voters whom Vance has targeted.

In Georgia last week, Vance seemed to acknowledge disappointment among audience members over the war. “I recognize that young voters do not love the policy we have in the Middle East, OK,” he said. “I understand.”

“I’m not saying you have to agree with me on every issue,” he said at the Turning Point event. “What I am saying is: Don’t get disengaged because you disagree with the administration on one topic. Get more involved, make your voice heard even more. That is how we ultimately take the country back.”

Ahead of 2028, Vance is no doubt hoping that his involvement in the Iran negotiations will help yield a deal that satisfies the president and that he can wave before the far-right base he has continued to indulge, even as it has grown increasingly hostile to Jews and Israel.

Meanwhile, Vance has at the same time made some overtures to pro-Israel Republican donors skeptical of his close relationship with Tucker Carlson, a vocal detractor of Israel whose commentary regularly veers into antisemitic rhetoric that the vice president has ignored or downplayed.

But as Harris’ problems demonstrated two years ago, Vance may ultimately find it is not possible to have it both ways.

Heckled over Gaza at a Turning Point USA event on Tuesday evening, Vice President JD Vance claimed that “the humanitarian situation in Gaza was an absolute catastrophe” when Trump returned to office last January and criticized the Biden administration’s handling of the conflict, though he did not defend Israel against the attack. 

An attendee at the event at the University of Georgia repeatedly shouted that the Trump administration was supporting “genocide” in Gaza by backing Israel’s war against Hamas.

“You know who’s the person who got a peace agreement in Gaza? Donald J. Trump,” Vance told the heckler. “So if you want to complain about what happened in Gaza, why don’t you complain about Joe Biden and the last administration? We’re the administration that solved that problem.”

“Right now, you see more humanitarian aid coming into Gaza than … any time in the past five years because we have taken that situation seriously,” he continued. “That’s one of the things I’m proud of about our administration, whether it’s there or Thailand and Cambodia, we have consistently tried as much as we can to solve these problems.”

Vance also revealed at the event that Theo Von was one of his favorite podcasters and recommended young people listen to his show — despite the influencer’s record of anti-Israel and antisemitic comments.

Vance made the comments after being asked by a child in the audience during a question and answer period who he looked up to in the conservative movement when he was growing up and which current “influencers” he’d recommend young people listen to. 

The vice president responded by pointing to James Dobson, the founder of Focus on the Family, an Evangelical organization aimed at promoting traditional conservative family policies, as an early influence in his life, and encouraged young people to listen to Von, himself and the current hosts of the Charlie Kirk Podcast.

Von has made a series of antisemitic and anti-Israel statements in recent years on his and other podcasts. He claimed to Joe Rogan in a November 2024 appearance on his podcast that Jews control liberal media and “hate White guys.” He referred to neo-Nazi Nick Fuentes as “f***ing brave” during a January episode of his podcast alongside anti-Israel comedian Dave Smith, and warned Israel not to kill him while saying he was “not suicidal” last October amid reports about concerns for his mental health. 

Vance has appeared on Von’s podcast before, sitting down for an interview last June where he defended Israel’s handling of the war in Gaza after Von described it as a “genocide.” Trump also appeared on Von’s podcast in August 2024, during his presidential campaign. In May last year, the White House took Von to speak to U.S. troops at a military base in Qatar, ahead of Trump’s address.

The vice president emphasized his support at another point during the event for continuing to engage with Iranian leadership to reach a negotiated settlement to end the fighting and reshape the two countries’ relationship, and said he was going to keep working toward that outcome. Vance said while detailing the status of negotiations between Washington and Tehran that the U.S. has not agreed to a diplomatic settlement to end the conflict because President Donald Trump “really wants a deal where Iran doesn’t have a nuclear weapon.”

“Fundamentally, the president set a policy: Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon, and right now we are negotiating to make sure that very thing happens,” Vance said. 

Trump, Vance argued, “doesn’t want to make … a small deal. He wants to make the grand bargain. And what he’s basically offering to Iran is very simple, and frankly, it’s something that no president, I think, has had the ability to offer. He said that, ‘if you’re willing to act like a normal country, we are willing to treat you economically like a normal country.’”

The comments came following reports that U.S. negotiators asked Iran to agree to not enrich uranium for 20 years as part of a peace deal, which Trump told the New York Post on Tuesday he was displeased about. 

“I’ve been saying they can’t have nuclear weapons, so I don’t like the 20 years,” Trump told the outlet. 

Vance described the president’s offer to improve the U.S.-Iran relationship in exchange for the regime committing to abandoning its efforts to obtain nuclear weapons as a “Trumpian grand bargain” that he was “going to keep on negotiating” toward. 

“What’s interesting about this is that we have this ceasefire that’s in place, I think it’s six or seven days old right now. The ceasefire is holding,” Vance said. “And that’s one of the reasons why I’d say, in Pakistan, we made a ton of progress,” he added, referring to his direct talks with Iranian leadership over the weekend.

“The United States had never had meetings at that level with the Iranian government in 49 years, like it’s a meeting that had never before happened, not Democrat, not Republican,” he continued. 

Tuesday’s event was originally supposed to feature a conversation between the vice president and Erika Kirk, the widow of Turning Point founder Charlie Kirk and his successor as TPUSA’s CEO. Kirk pulled out of appearing at the event late Tuesday after her security team advised her against appearing due to “very serious threats.” Since her husband’s assassination last September, Kirk has been targeted by far-right conspiracy theorists, led by Candace Owens, claiming that she was involved in the assassination of her husband. 

Vance condemned those criticizing Kirk but did not call out Owens or others by name, telling the crowd, “Everybody is attacking her over everything, and they’re lying about her, and it’s one of the most disgraceful things that I’ve ever seen in public life, and I’ve seen a lot of crazy stuff in my life.”

A day before U.S.-Iran nuclear talks, Vice President JD Vance urged the Iranian regime on Wednesday to take President Donald Trump’s diplomatic overtures “seriously,” cautioning that the president has “a number of tools at his disposal” to keep the “craziest and worst regime in the world” from acquiring nuclear weapons.

Vance made the comments while appearing on Fox News’ “America’s Newsroom” after being asked about Trump’s comments at the State of the Union on Tuesday night, during which the president underscored his willingness to use force while acknowledging his preference for a diplomatic solution. 

“The president has been as crystal clear as he could be: Iran can’t have a nuclear weapon. That would be the ultimate military objective if that’s the route that he chose,” Vance said. “That is what we’re trying to accomplish, as the president said, through the preferred route of diplomacy, but it’s very simple: We have to get to a position where Iran, the largest state sponsor of terrorism in the world, cannot threaten the world with nuclear terrorism.”

“I think most Americans understand that you can’t let the craziest and worst regime in the world have nuclear weapons. That’s what the president is accomplishing, that’s what the president has set as our goal,” he continued. “He’s going to try to accomplish it diplomatically, but as we all know, the president has a number of other tools at his disposal to ensure this doesn’t happen. He’s shown a willingness to use them, and I hope the Iranians take it seriously in their negotiations tomorrow because that’s certainly what the president prefers.”

Asked if that meant the president’s position is that Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei must be removed, Vance reiterated that the administration is “hopeful that we’re able to come to a good resolution without the military, but if we have to use the military, the president, of course, has that right as well.”

“I think the president ultimately will make the decision about how to ensure Iran does not have a nuclear weapon, but we’re sitting down having another round of diplomatic talks with the Iranians, trying to reach a reasonable settlement, but a reasonable settlement towards what end?” Vance asked. “Iran can’t have a nuclear weapon. It’s very simple. I think the supreme leader and everybody in their system should understand it. We’ve been crystal clear.”

Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), meanwhile, warned on Wednesday that he would not support a Trump administration-brokered deal with Iran that would allow the regime to continue enriching some uranium as part of its nuclear program.

“If media reports are true that there is a consideration of allowing Iran to have very small enrichment of uranium for face-saving purposes: screw that,” Graham wrote on X. “This regime is made up of religious Nazis that are the largest state sponsor of terrorism. The regime has American blood on its hands and they have killed over 30,000 of their citizens simply because they demand the end to their oppression.”

Graham added that he “could care less about efforts to save face for this regime. I would like to see the people of Iran change the regime – it’s long overdue. I hope help is on the way.”

Vice President JD Vance, asked about the rise of antisemitism in the conservative movement, said “all forms of ethnic hatred” must be rejected and emphasized that the U.S. is rooted in “Christian principles.”

In an interview released Tuesday, CNN commentator Scott Jennings, on his eponymous podcast, asked the vice president about “certain kinds of views that have been espoused by certain kinds of people” in the conservative movement who “try to drag you into this conversation all the time.”

“Just for the record, does the conservative movement need to warehouse anybody out there espousing antisemitism in any way?” Jennings asked.

“No it doesn’t, Scott,” Vance answered. “I think that we need to reject all forms of ethnic hatred, whether it’s antisemitism, anti-Black hatred, anti-white hatred. I think that’s one of the great things about the conservative coalition, is that we are, I think, fundamentally rooted in the Christian principles that founded the United States of America and one of those very important principles is that we judge people as individuals.”

The vice president continued, “Every person is made in the image of God. You judge them by what they do, not by what ethnic group they belong to and I think that principle is important. It’s something we gotta hold onto in the conservative movement because, God knows, the left abandoned it a long time ago.”

In a series of social media posts, Vice President JD Vance linked data finding increased antisemitism among young people on both sides of the aisle to immigration, and said that there is a difference between “not liking Israel” and being antisemitic.

Responding to excerpts from an Atlantic story highlighting the increase in antisemitic attitudes among young people, Vance said, “Mainstream journalism is just profoundly uninteresting and lame, consumed by its own pieties.”

“To write an article about the ‘generational divide’ in anti-semitism without discussing the demographics of the various generations is mind boggling,” Vance continued.

He blamed the increase in antisemitism on immigration and the demographic makeup of younger Americans.

“‘We imported a lot of people with ethnic grievances prior generations didn’t have. We celebrated this as the fruits of multiculturalism. Now we’re super surprised that the people we imported with ethnic grievances still have those ethnic grievances,’” Vance wrote, arguing that “the most significant single thing you could do to eliminate anti-semitism and any other kind of ethnic hatred is to support our efforts to lower immigration and promote assimilation.”

He concluded, “these guys won’t do that, because they all lack curiosity and introspection,” Vance continued.

He also linked to an analysis cited by Manhattan Institute fellow Charles Fain Lehman supporting those conclusions, indicating that foreign origin is more closely correlated to antisemitism than age or ideology.

Responding to a reply from a right-wing influencer who stated that “White conservative zoomers don’t really like Israel anymore either, JD,” Vance said, “I would say there’s a difference between not liking Israel (or disagreeing with a given Israeli policy) and anti-semitism.”

The comments are some of Vance’s first and most notable following the divisions on the right over rising antisemitism in the conservative movement. Vance, who many see as a leader among younger and “New Right” elements of the GOP, had largely avoided engaging in the debate until now.

Vice President JD Vance dismissed the suggestion that traditional conservative Republicans would “wrest control” of the GOP from supporters of the MAGA movement after President Donald Trump leaves office and “go back to the Republican Party of 20 years ago.”

Vance made the comments during a conversation with Breitbart News’ Washington bureau chief Matt Boyle on Thursday, in which the two broadly discussed the divisions within the MAGA movement on foreign and economic policy. Both argued that the U.S. was experiencing a “political realignment,” with the Republican Party becoming the party of the working class and Democrats now more aligned with wealthier voters. 

“Part of what you see as division in the Republican Party is a consequence of this realignment. We have a new governing coalition. We have a new political coalition. We have people who didn’t used to vote Republican,” Vance said. “Frankly, they have different preferences, sometimes on certain issues, than maybe the Ronald Reagan or George W. Bush Republican Party did. I think the Donald Trump party is a fundamentally new phenomenon in American politics.”

“Some of those divisions you talk about are just the natural outgrowth of the fact that we’ve got a lot of working-class voters who, frankly, don’t care what was Republican orthodoxy 25 years ago, and so they’re pushing the party in a different direction,” the vice president continued. 

Boyle pointed out Vance’s mention of former President George W. Bush, and noted that the funeral of former Vice President Dick Cheney, who served under Bush, was taking place that morning. 

The vice president replied by offering his condolences to the Cheney family and praised his service to the country, but predicted that such an effort to return the Republican Party to the Bush-Cheney era would fail.

“Whether intentional or not, that was the legacy of the Republican Party that came before Donald J. Trump. I’m glad the president got us away from that Republican Party. It lost. It was also a disaster for the United States of America,” Vance said. 

Asked for his thoughts on “how to reunify” the conservative movement amid “some divisions” on domestic and foreign policy matters, Vance said he welcomed the ongoing debates while urging Republicans to not lose sight of the fact that their true opponent is the Democratic Party. 

“I think these debates should happen. They should happen on podcasts. They should happen in the media. They should happen on the op-ed pages. It’s totally reasonable for the people who make up this coalition to argue about what our foreign policy should be, what our specific tax policy should be, what our housing policy should be,” Vance explained, adding that the “disagreements that animated” the GOP were “important.”

Still, Vance encouraged conservatives “to remember that we have a lot more in common than we do not in common.” 

“My attitude is: Let these debates play out, but don’t let the debates that we’re having internally blind us to the fact that we are up against a radical leftist movement that murdered my friend [Charlie Kirk] a couple of months ago, and that would throw many people in the Trump administration in prison, not for doing anything illegal, but for not following the far-left’s agenda,” Vance said.

“That is the real opponent here: a political movement in this country that has no enemy in principle, that has no agenda for the American people. Their sole obsession is to take down Donald Trump and anybody who’d help Donald Trump govern,” he added. “Focus on the enemy. Have our debates, but focus on the enemy so that we can win in victories that matter to the American people.”

During a talk at a Turning Point USA event at the University of Mississippi last month, Vice President JD Vance listened carefully as a student took the microphone and asked him a question grounded in antisemitic tropes. Vance took the question at face value, declining to push back. 

“I’m a Christian man, and I’m just confused why there’s this notion that we might have owed Israel something, or that they’re our greatest ally,” the questioner began. “I’m just confused why this idea has come around, considering the fact that not only does their religion not agree with ours, but also openly supports the prosecution [sic] of ours.” 

The exchange came soon after right-wing podcaster Tucker Carlson hosted neo-Nazi provocateur Nick Fuentes for a decidedly friendly interview, a shocking but not altogether surprising cultural moment that catapulted an intra-party rift into the open: a shift among a small but growing contingent of young conservatives away from Israel and, increasingly, into a conspiratorial worldview that holds the Jewish state — and Jews — responsible for the world’s ills. 

The question facing party leaders is just how deeply this perspective has rooted itself among the right and how to deal with it: whether to fight it, accept it or stay quiet and hope it disappears. 

Vance’s response at the Turning Point event sparked concern among Jewish conservatives about how a potential future GOP presidential nominee plans to deal with a growing segment of the political right that is not just critical of Israel but of Jews — and why he has been willing to make excuses for the bigotry of some of his supporters. Last month, Vance called criticism of scores of racist and antisemitic messages in Young Republicans group chat “pearl clutching.” And earlier this month, after many conservatives spoke out against Carlson’s interview with Fuentes, Vance decried what he deemed “infighting” calling it “stupid.” 

Until Sunday, President Donald Trump had avoided the maelstrom of the last several weeks, which saw the venerable Heritage Foundation devolve into chaos after its president, Kevin Roberts, defended Carlson following the Fuentes interview. But Trump entered the fray for the first time on Sunday when he was asked by a reporter what role Carlson should play in the conservative movement after hosting “antisemite Nick Fuentes” — and responded with praise for Carlson. 

“I found him to be good. I mean, he said good things about me over the years. I think he’s good,” Trump said. “You can’t tell him who to interview. I mean, if he wants to interview Nick Fuentes, I don’t know much about him, but if he wants to do it, get the word out. People have to decide.” Trump dined with Fuentes and Kanye West, also an avowed antisemite, at his Mar-a-Lago resort in 2022, though Trump has insisted that he didn’t invite Fuentes, but rather that Fuentes tagged along with West.

Pro-Israel Republicans have generally been willing to dismiss Trump’s connection to Carlson — Trump appeared on Carlson’s podcast during the campaign last year soon after the former Fox News host platformed a well-known Holocaust denier — because of what they describe as Trump’s pro-Israel bona fides. 

“It’s a ridiculous conversation to be having, because nobody should doubt where the president stands on this,” Republican Jewish Coalition CEO Matt Brooks told Jewish Insider on Monday. “Donald Trump has zero tolerance when it comes to antisemitism.” Brooks, who is highly critical of Carlson, categorized Trump’s comments as “an omission in his remarks on an airport tarmac.”

Earlier this month, at the RJC conference in Las Vegas, Republican fundraiser Eric Levine told JI that he has concerns about Vance, though he added that those concerns are balanced out by the fact that Trump remains “the most pro-Israel president in the history of the country.” 

“I was disappointed in JD Vance’s response, particularly as part of the Trump administration, which is so pro-Israel, so pro-Jewish,” Levine said. “This notion of this outsized influence that Jews have is disturbing, and I would have thought that the vice president could have done a better job, could have been clearer on that point.” 

Yet Vance’s rhetoric, coupled with his ties to the more isolationist wing of the Republican Party, has frustrated even some of his Jewish backers, who want to see him do more to disavow the fringe, conspiracist right. 

“This [anti-Israel] sensibility has been gaining ground on the right for several years now, and I count myself as one of those who has been warning about it and is worried. But the antisemitic part of it is relatively new,” Peter Berkowitz, who served as a senior State Department official in Trump’s first term, told JI. “It’s high time for those great adepts of social media, President Trump and Vice President Vance, to take to social media and weigh in.”

“I admire and support JD Vance, but his response to that question was disappointing,” said David Brog, a conservative activist who leads the Maccabee Task Force, an organization focused on fighting the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement targeting Israel. “He knows better. He is the vice president of the United States now. He doesn’t need to please the confused young groypers” — a term used by Fuentes’ acolytes to describe themselves. “He needs to step up, lead and teach them the right path forward.” 

Andrew Day, an editor at The American Conservative, a magazine identified with more isolationist strains of the right, called Vance “the clear favorite of a growing faction on the right that favors realism and restraint in foreign policy, a faction generally hostile toward Israel,” while noting that his “pro-restraint views have long accommodated sympathy for the Jewish state,” so he won’t entirely alienate pro-Israel Republicans. Vance has written for the magazine, and Carlson sits on its advisory board.   

“This [anti-Israel] sensibility has been gaining ground on the right for several years now, and I count myself as one of those who has been warning about it and is worried. But the antisemitic part of it is relatively new,” Peter Berkowitz, who served as a senior State Department official in Trump’s first term, told JI. “It’s high time for those great adepts of social media, President Trump and Vice President Vance, to take to social media and weigh in.”

The White House did not respond to a request for comment, and a spokesperson for Vance declined to comment for this article.  

Vance’s sympathy toward a more transgressive younger generation of conservatives is an outgrowth of that contingent’s expansion in the party. How widely that worldview has percolated is not fully known: conservative writer Rod Dreher recently estimated that 30 to 40% of young Republican staffers in Washington “are fans of Nick Fuentes,” while journalist Emily Jashinsky wrote at the conservative website UnHerd that the “number is high, but not nearly as high as 30-40%.”  

What is not disputed is that among Gen Z conservatives, old dogmas, like support for Israel, are no longer accepted at face value. In the weeks after TPUSA founder Charlie Kirk’s murder, several well-known figures on the right, particularly in the podcasting sphere where Carlson operates, have attempted to recast Kirk as critical of Israel. In a letter sent to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu earlier this year, Kirk was clear about the trend lines: “Israel is losing support even in conservative circles. This should be a 5 alarm fire,” he wrote. 

But Jewish Republicans see an issue bigger than just a shift away from Israel among some Republicans who are skeptical of American involvement overseas, particularly in the aftermath of the invasion of Iraq two decades ago. They also see an antisemitism problem, in addition to an apathy problem — or, perhaps more accurately, a fear factor — among leaders who are wary of taking on an increasingly radicalized young generation.

“It wouldn’t be accurate to say the right is inherently antisemitic, or that being anti-Israel is endemic on the right,” said Tamara Berens, a conservative writer in Washington who wrote an article in early 2023 outlining the growth of antisemitism on America’s far right. “I think what’s endemic is the platforming and the excusing of antisemitic figures.” 

“You’re going to get debates about where America’s long-term interests truly lie and where they don’t, and that’s where I think you get a very hot debate,” said Rusty Reno, editor of First Things, a prominent Christian magazine. “Certainly because of the Gaza war, it became a very heated debate about whether or not the U.S. has an interest in a strong alliance with Israel.” 

A June Quinnipiac poll found that 64% of Republicans sympathized more with Israelis than Palestinians — a far higher number than Democrats, but a decrease from November 2023, when 80% of Republicans were more sympathetic to Israel. And that drop in support has come alongside “flirt[ing] with antisemitism,” said Maccabee Task Force’s Brog. 

“It’s a new era, certainly when it comes to the conversation about where the guardrails are, if there are any remaining on the broader right,” said Josh Hammer, a conservative activist and lawyer. “There are a lot of young folks on the right who have been infected with varying degrees of this mind virus.”

As the editor of First Things, a prominent Christian magazine, Rusty Reno is aware of the anti-establishment sentiment growing among young conservatives. He attributes much of that to an emerging “consensus that we need to revise and fundamentally rethink our global commitments,” Reno told JI. 

“You’re going to get debates about where America’s long-term interests truly lie and where they don’t, and that’s where I think you get a very hot debate,” Reno explained. “Certainly because of the Gaza war, it became a very heated debate about whether or not the U.S. has an interest in a strong alliance with Israel.” 

Reno said he believes some of the concern about rising antisemitism has brought about a “hysterical response,” although he acknowledged that it is not “just this internet nonsense.” 

“It does exist, and I’ve heard people say things that shocked me in some circles on the right,” Reno said. “It’s difficult for me to interpret in young people the extent to which they say things performatively, to demonstrate to each other their bona fides as not captive to the baby boomer mentality, and how much of it is real, or something I should worry about.”

Even staunch backers of Trump’s agenda now acknowledge that they can no longer ignore the fact that something has begun to shift among some hardcore conservatives.

“I don’t think Republicans should make the same mistake that Democrats made and allow themselves to be eaten by a radical fringe, which inevitably means you start losing elections,” said the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Rich Goldberg, who until recently served as a senior advisor at the Department of Interior.  

“I do not think that is reflective of the party as a whole, by any stretch of the imagination. I think that it is, with respect to the adults in the room, still fringe,” Sandra Hagee Parker, the chair of Christians United for Israel Action Fund, told JI. “But I think that the issue is that we have to be aware of what’s happening in this young generation and be prepared to respond to that.”

The party now finds itself at a crossroads as Republican leaders consider how to deal with a small but vocal antisemitic fringe. 

“I don’t think Republicans should make the same mistake that Democrats made and allow themselves to be eaten by a radical fringe, which inevitably means you start losing elections,” said the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Rich Goldberg, who until recently served as a senior advisor at the Department of Interior.  

It is certainly not a foregone conclusion that the party will fully cede to that perspective. Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) has spoken out sharply against Carlson recently, including in a recent speech calling on his Republican colleagues to criticize the popular podcaster. By going after Carlson, Cruz may be positioning himself for a 2028 presidential run, Axios reported this week. 

Trump is in his second term, and the Republican Party — which has been shaped almost exclusively by Trump for the last decade — will eventually have a new figurehead. Whether that is Vance or someone else remains to be seen, with two years before presidential primary season begins. But the fight that is playing out now is not one that Trump will be able to contain forever. 

“What these guys are fighting for is not MAGA. It’s fighting for the next thing,” said David Reaboi, who operates a national security communications firm. “They don’t care if he’s MAGA or not. They’re very happy to hand over MAGA at this point.”

Secretary of State Marco Rubio traveled to Israel on Thursday, becoming the latest senior official dispatched to the country by President Donald Trump as the fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hamas extends into its second week. 

Rubio joins several other administration officials and representatives who have made the journey to Israel this past week, on the heels of the signing of the first phase of Trump’s peace proposal, including Vice President JD Vance, White House Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and advisor Jared Kushner.

The swift mobilization of U.S. officials comes as the Trump administration aims to lay the groundwork for the second phase of the deal and works to keep Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu from reigniting fighting in the Gaza Strip and fracturing a delicate peace deal, amid Hamas’ repeated violations of the agreement. 

Vance, in his meeting with Netanyahu on Wednesday, emphasized that Israel is not a “vassal state” that needs to be told what to do. 

The string of high-level visits is “not about monitoring in the sense of, you know, monitoring a toddler,” Vance told reporters alongside Netanyahu. “It’s about monitoring in the sense that there’s a lot of work.”

Meanwhile, ahead of his own visit to Israel, Rubio warned Israeli leaders that the West Bank annexation vote that passed the Knesset this week — championed by far-right MK Avi Moaz — threatened to derail the Trump-orchestrated ceasefire deal.

Chuck Freilich, an associate professor of political science at Columbia University, told Jewish Insider he sees it as a form of U.S. oversight, or “Bibi-sitting,” something he says is “long-standing tradition” in the U.S.-Israel relationship.

“From the U.S. perspective, you want to go over and reassure Israel its legitimate security concerns are not in jeopardy by continuing to adhere to the ceasefire,” said Jonathan Ruhe, a fellow for American strategy at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America. “I imagine that Rubio will be there to more echo and amplify the messages that have already been laid out, assuming the facts on the ground don’t change between now and then.”

While disagreements between the U.S. and Israel are not unusual, the Biden administration’s efforts to oppose Netanyahu’s preferred policies often led to accusations of insufficient U.S. support for the Jewish state.  

During the Biden administration, senior officials, including Secretary of State Tony Blinken, were dispatched to the region to keep Israel from conducting military operations in the southern Gaza city of Rafah. At the time, Biden faced criticism from some in the pro-Israel world for restraining Netanyahu’s government from doing what they saw to be in Israel’s best interest during the war. 

Given Trump’s high popularity in Israel in the immediate aftermath of the hostage-release deal, that blowback is not happening this time around. Freilich says the Trump administration’s exertion of restraint on Netanyahu from going after Hamas to uphold the ceasefire is different. 

“Unlike with Biden, I don’t think there is a war to be won now that the U.S. is blocking,” said Freilich. “Israel has already done most of what it can do. The real problem is with phase two, how to dismantle and disarm Hamas and remove it as the governing body in Gaza. The administration is working on it intensively, including in all of these visits.”

The continued engagement is also a way for the Trump administration to provide Netanyahu cover from the right-wing coalition of his government, which had been more reluctant to end the fighting and make a hostage deal before the complete elimination of Hamas. The Trump administration may see holding them at bay as another way to keep the ceasefire intact.

David May, a senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, said Rubio will be a worthy asset alongside Witkoff and Kushner, stating that his presence could help Israel get Hamas to “uphold a ceasefire that would effectively dismantle the terrorist group.” 

“Dispatching Secretary of State Marco Rubio is a very positive development,” May told JI. “Rubio possesses immense knowledge of the issues and the actors with his decades of experience operating in U.S. foreign policy.”

This will be Rubio’s fourth visit to Israel since taking office in January. The secretary of state has a plethora of diplomatic experience with the Jewish state and has long expressed steadfast support for Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza, dating back to his time in the U.S. Senate. 

Visiting the new U.S.-run Civilian Military Cooperation Center in southern Israel, Vice President JD Vance said on Tuesday that he is “very optimistic” about the advancement of the peace plan, but warned that Hamas must disarm and cooperate with international interlocutors, or else it would be “obliterated.” 

The vice president’s comments came shortly after President Donald Trump, in a post on his Truth Social site, threatened Hamas with “elimination” should the terror group continue to carry out violence in Gaza and violate the terms of the peace deal. 

“Numerous of our NOW GREAT ALLIES in the Middle East … have explicitly and strongly, with great enthusiasm, informed me that they would welcome the opportunity, at my request, to go into GAZA with a heavy force and ‘straighten out Hamas’ if Hamas continues to act badly, in violation of their agreement with us,” Trump wrote. “There is still hope that Hamas will do what is right. If they do not, an end to Hamas will be FAST, FURIOUS, & BRUTAL!”

The president’s statement, which came hours after Vance touched down in Israel in part to keep the deal on track, underscored his growing impatience and frustration with the terrorist group.

“Hamas has to disarm,” Vance said. “They’re not going to be able to kill their fellow Palestinians. … If Hamas doesn’t cooperate, as the president of the United States said, Hamas will be obliterated.”

“But I’m not going to do what the president of the United States has thus far refused to do, which is put an explicit deadline on it,” the vice president continued, “because a lot of this stuff is difficult … In order for us to give it a chance to succeed, we’ve got to be a little bit flexible.”

Asked about Turkish troops entering Gaza despite the country’s hostility to Israel, Vance said that Israel will have to agree to any foreign troops on the ground. “We’re not going to force anything on our Israeli friends when it comes to foreign troops on their soil, but I think there’s a constructive role for the Turks to play,” he said. “They already played a constructive role.”

As for reconstruction of Gaza, Jared Kushner, who has played a central role in negotiating the end of the war, said that “no reconstruction funds will be going to areas Hamas still controls. … There are considerations in the area the IDF controls to start reconstruction of a new Gaza, in order to give the Palestinians in Gaza a place to go, a place to get jobs, a place to live.” 

Vance said that the eventual governing structure of Gaza is still undetermined, as the plan focuses on getting “to a point where both Gazans and our Israeli friends have some measure of security.” After that, he added, “we’ll worry about long term governance.”

“Let’s worry about security, give people food and medicine,” he said.

Vance said that the CMCC’s focus is on repatriating the bodies of the 15 remaining Israeli hostages, but that “it’s not going to happen overnight.” 

The administration’s push for Hamas’ disarmament is expected to face hurdles. “On the one hand, Hamas wants to avoid losing the sympathy of Turkey and Qatar and wants to avoid wasting Egypt’s desire for a political settlement that creates Palestinian unity with Hamas support,” said Rob Satloff, executive director at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “On the other hand, it is clear that Hamas has no intention of voluntarily giving up the battle against Israel, let alone voluntarily disarming.”

But while Trump threatened that “many countries” will get involved, other nations have been reluctant to send in reinforcements, despite talks of forming an International Stabilization Force, as laid out in the unfinalized second phase of the peace deal. 

At the CMCC facility on Tuesday, the vice president noted that the force is still in the process of being formed, but said no American troops will be on the ground in the enclave. There are about 200 U.S. servicemembers at the CMCC in Kiryat Gat, Israel, tasked with coordinating the effort.

Trump himself emphasized that the U.S. will not send troops into Gaza, telling reporters at the White House on Monday that “Israel would go in in two minutes if I asked them to go in … But right now we haven’t said that.”

“Many countries are hesitant to send troops to serve as peacekeepers,” said David May, a senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. “So, it will be very difficult to find a country able and willing to strike Hamas as punishment.”

Even if Trump is able to get other countries on board to take a more involved role in defanging Hamas in Gaza, May said more firepower does not always mean better results. 

“There’s a certain value in threats and provocative language, especially from an unpredictable president,” said May. “But striking Hamas and not killing civilians requires surgical precision — something the Israelis excel in — not the overwhelming force that the United States alone possesses. [At the same time,] Hamas’ violations are mounting, and the terrorist group cannot be allowed to retake Gaza and execute its potential replacements.”

May said a return to fighting would sink any possibility of the current deal developing into full-fledged peace. The Trump administration has sought to avoid a return to hostilities and build on the momentum from phase one. Experts warned the administration is in a precarious position, balancing between keeping the president’s deal stable and preventing Hamas from reasserting power. 

“The Trump administration is trying to navigate between these poles,” said Satloff. “Taking advantage of political pressure while avoiding a showdown with Hamas without the Arab, Muslim or international troops to back it up, all the while trying to avoid a collapse of relapse into full-scale Hamas-Israel war that would undermine the president’s great diplomatic achievement.”

The vice president also spoke of the significance of Israel to him as a Christian, sharing plans to visit the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. “I pray that the Prince of Peace,” he said, using a name for Jesus,” can continue to work a miracle in this part of the world.”

Vice President JD Vance landed in Israel on Tuesday with the charge to lead efforts to stabilize the fragile ceasefire in Gaza and assist in the implementation of the second phase of President Donald Trump’s peace deal.

Following the release of the remaining 20 living Israeli hostages from Gaza in exchange for Palestinian prisoners, there was little indication that Hamas would abide by the other elements of Trump’s 20-point plan, which calls on the terrorist group to disarm and cede governance to a technocratic group of Palestinian leaders. In the last week, Hamas began executing Palestinians, clashing with rival groups and reasserting itself as the security and governing force in the Gaza Strip.

Over the weekend, Hamas terrorists shot an anti-tank missile at IDF machinery and killed two soldiers and Israel retaliated with airstrikes in Rafah, further jeopardizing the status of the ceasefire. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu briefly halted the delivery of humanitarian aid into Gaza, but reversed course following pressure from the Trump administration.

The vice president will now step into the conflict, visiting Israel at an important juncture as the Trump administration looks to avoid another breakdown into renewed hostilities and ensure full compliance with the deal.

“Hamas is going to fire on Israel. Israel’s going to have to respond, of course. There are going to be moments where you have people within Gaza that you’re [not] quite sure what they’re actually doing. But we think it has the best chance for sustainable peace,” Vance told reporters on Sunday, referring to the peace proposal.

The decision to dispatch Vance to Israel is a sign of the Trump administration’s continued engagement in the Middle East after securing the hostage-release deal, according to experts.

“We are in a moment of really intense American engagement and influence that have got us to a stage one that no analyst a month ago would have told you was possible, and so there is a moment of opportunity here,” said John Hannah, a senior fellow at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America. “In order to be sustained, it’s a ceasefire and peace process that is going to require intense and continuous U.S. engagement at the most senior levels.” 

While Vance’s foreign policy experience was limited during his time in the Senate, the vice president has remained deeply engaged on issues regarding Israel during the second Trump administration. Hannah said this continued high level involvement will be key to sustaining any peace deal.

David May, a senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, said deploying Vance shows the significance of this issue to the Trump administration.

“This is a huge legacy item for President Trump, and so trying to make sure that the ceasefire holds is a highly important item for him. They had to send someone of a high profile, and sending the vice president shows that you are serious,” said May.

May said it would be a “huge accomplishment” if Vance is able to keep the ceasefire from collapsing — and secure progress toward other elements of Trump’s peace plan. 

“This is now an opportunity for Vance to build on his portfolio and show his vice presidential experience,” said May. “There’s very often vice presidents that sit in the background and don’t do much and don’t have much to show for it. This is an opportunity for him to get in the foreground.”

The key, May says, will be for Vance to leverage the U.S. relationship with Israel and convince Netanyahu’s government to show restraint in responding to Hamas’ provocations.

“In order for the ceasefire not to collapse, the exchanges of fire have to stop. It’s very difficult to get Hamas to stop firing, but if you can get the Israelis to stop responding, or at least to respond less forcefully, then maybe that can lower the temperature a little bit and allow for some of the benefits of the ceasefire to start kicking in,” said May. 

But beyond keeping the pause in hostilities afloat, the administration still faces a significant challenge in completely disarming Hamas and removing them from Gaza, a hurdle May says could require further confrontation with the terrorist group. 

“I don’t think any power besides maybe the United States or Israel can be trusted and would have the commitment to actually disarming Hamas,” said May. “Unless Hamas is able, or willing, to resume its previous role as being a more religious and cultural and social organization without the same political power or weapons, I don’t foresee a way of implementing the ceasefire without maybe another round of fighting with Israel actually taking out Hamas.”

Vance is slated to stay in Israel until Thursday, according to reports. The vice president will join White House Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, both of whom played vital roles in securing the first phase of the deal, who are already in Israel and met on Monday with Netanyahu.