A new bipartisan and bicameral bill is pushing for greater accountability and transparency on China’s violations of U.S. oil sanctions on Iran.

China is the largest importer of Iranian oil, in spite of the sweeping U.S. sanctions regime targeting the Iranian oil and gas industry, as well as newer sanctions that target importers of that oil, which have been recently applied to some firms in China. 

Recent reports by the Foundation for Defense of Democracies have found that Iran oil exports, primarily to China, have remained near their peak level in spite of U.S. sanctions, which FDD has attributed to a “failure of U.S. sanctions enforcement.”

The new bill, led by Sens. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) and Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Reps. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-IL) and Ben Cline (R-VA), requires the administration, within a year of the bill’s passage, to determine whether the People’s Republic of China is conducting sanctionable activities with regard to Iran.

In advance of that determination, the bill requires the administration to report to Congress within 180 days on China’s purchases of Iranian oil, including how China is using shell companies and other methods to dodge sanctions, as well as on Chinese efforts to sell or transfer chemical precursors to Iran to support its ballistic missile program.

Recent reports have found that Iran has been importing materials from China to rebuild its ballistic missile program, an effort that has prompted concern on Capitol Hill.

“China’s growing purchases of Iranian oil and its support for Iran’s ballistic missile program are not just violations of U.S. sanctions—they are direct threats to regional stability and to our allies,” Krishnamoorthi said in a statement, adding that the legislation “gives Congress the intelligence and transparency needed to expose how the PRC enables Iran’s most dangerous activities.”

“By bringing these transactions into the light, we strengthen our ability to enforce sanctions and hold malign actors accountable,” Krishnamoorthi continued.

Krishnamoorthi is mounting a bid for the U.S. Senate in his home state.

“China’s continued purchases of Iranian oil and its role in enabling Iran’s missile program to pose a direct threat to U.S. national security and to the stability of our allies in the Middle East,” Cline said. He called the legislation and the reporting it requires “a necessary step toward exposing how the PRC uses shell companies, transshipment schemes, and other avenues to evade sanctions.” 

“This report will give Congress and the Treasury Department the insight needed to strengthen enforcement, close loopholes, and ensure that hostile regimes, and those who bankroll them, are held accountable,” Cline continued.

Blumenthal said that China’s purchases of oil are “providing significant financial support for Iran’s terrorist activities in the Middle East and beyond.”

“Transparency is the first step towards accountability, which is why our bill would require a full report on China’s oil and ballistic missile-related transactions with Iran. This information will support robust sanctions enforcement and provide a path forward for additional legislative action,” Blumenthal said.

Graham called the bill “the first step in fully understanding how China and other nations prop up the Ayatollah’s war machine.”

The final version of the 2026 National Defense Authorization Act negotiated by Senate and House leaders includes a full and unconditional repeal of U.S. sanctions on Syria under the Caesar Civilian Protection Act, as well as a repeal of the war authorizations that allowed for the Iraq war and the first Gulf War.

The Caesar sanctions repeal comes in spite of hesitation from some lawmakers on Capitol Hill, who argued that the sanctions should remain on the books, with relief contingent on the Syrian government meeting various benchmarks. Supporters of full sanctions relief have argued that it’s necessary in order to put Syria on a more predictable and stable financial footing and provide confidence to foreign investors to support reconstruction projects.

Rep. Brian Mast (R-FL), the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, who had been skeptical of the prospect of unconditional repeal, ultimately decided to provide his approval to include it in the bill.

The legislation requires the administration to report to Congress twice per year to certify whether the Syrian government is complying with a range of U.S. priorities, including cooperating with counter-ISIS efforts, removing foreign fighters from the Syrian government, protecting minority rights, non-aggression toward Israel, integrating the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic forces, complying with U.S. sanctions, prosecuting human rights abusers and combating narcotics production.

It includes a nonbinding provision that “the president may consider whether to impose targeted sanctions on individuals under existing authorities” if these conditions are not met for two reporting periods, but includes no binding snapback provisions mandating the reimposition of sanctions.

The repeal of the Iraq war authorization has been a longtime priority for lawmakers on both sides of the aisle, but others have argued that a more deliberative approach is needed to ensure that the U.S. maintains its ability to target Iranian proxies or terrorist groups in Iraq.

Largely outside of Middle East policy, the legislation contains a number of provisions seemingly aimed at countering isolationist pushes from within the administration, including provisions to ensure that U.S. aid to Ukraine continues and that the U.S. does not significantly draw down its troop presence in Europe or South Korea.

It also includes a provision seemingly aimed at responding to senators’ public concerns about a lack of transparency and communication by Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby, mandating that he personally brief Congress twice next year about the national defense strategy.

Overall, the bill proposes a defense budget $8 billion above the Trump administration’s 2026 request — though any actual funding allocations will have to be approved separately through the still-pending appropriations process.

Within the Middle East domain, the NDAA authorizes annual funding for joint missile-defense programs with Israel, including Iron Dome, David’s Sling and Arrow, guaranteed under the memorandum of understanding with Israel that lasts through 2028. 

The explanatory report accompanying the bill requires the administration to brief Congress on Israel’s current Arrow stockpiles — systems that saw heavy use during Iran’s ballistic missile attacks on Israel earlier this year — including potential obstacles to increasing Arrow production capacity and inventory and the possibility of creating “fully redundant Arrow production capacity in the United States.”

Addressing existing regional air- and missile-defense cooperation programs, the report directs the administration to brief Congress on progress toward an integrated air and missile architecture, as well as lessons learned during the past two years of war in the Middle East and the impacts of existing cooperation efforts during that time.

It also requires the Pentagon to brief Congress on any delays in providing aircraft or air-launched munitions to Israel and the “feasibility and advisability” of providing Israel with American systems to fill those gaps in the interim.

The NDAA proposes increasing funding for joint U.S.-Israel anti-tunnelling programs to $80 million, a $30 million increase. The report requires the administration to study potential steps to secure the border between Egypt and Gaza to cut down on smuggling into the enclave via tunnels, drones and the Mediterranean Sea.

The legislation also expands existing U.S.-Israel cooperative programs countering airborne drone threats to include other unmanned systems, including sea- and land-based drones, and proposes funding of $70 million, a $15 million increase.

It extends both the counter-tunnel and counter-drone programs through 2028.

The bill also proposes providing $35 million for a new program to pursue military applications of emerging technologies such as AI, quantum computing and cybersecurity in cooperation with allies like Israel.

The legislation also directs the administration to create a U.S.-Israel Defense Industrial Base Working Group to expand defense production cooperation with Israel, and study the possibility of integrating Israel into the National Technology and Industrial Base, alongside other key U.S. allies.

The explanatory report directs the Defense Department to consider creating a “regional outreach center” of the Defense Innovation Unit in Israel; the House draft of the NDAA had included a requirement that the Pentagon establish such an office.The DIU is a relatively new Pentagon unit with offices around the U.S. that works to allow the military to more quickly adopt emerging commercial technologies.

In an effort to address international boycotts and other punitive measures against Israel, the NDAA requires the administration to continually assess the impact of arms embargoes, sanctions and other restrictions imposed on Israel and the ways the U.S. might be able to mitigate those impacts.

The explanatory report instructs the Pentagon to avoid participating in international arms exhibitions that exclude Israeli companies.

But the final NDAA does not include a provision from the House draft of the bill instructing the administration to engage with top allies to ensure they do not enforce International Criminal Court arrest warrants against the U.S. or Israel.

The report states that the U.S. should engage in “regular military exercises of increasing complexity” with Israel, to include “other regional partners as well when feasible,” and requires the administration to report to Congress on such exercises.

In an effort to address growing cooperation among Iran, China, Russia and North Korea, the legislation instructs the administration to establish a whole-of-government effort to respond to such alliances, including establishing working groups in several Cabinet agencies, charged with providing recommendations to the administration and Congress.

The NDAA expands existing required reports on Iran’s nuclear capabilities, mandating the administration provide additional information to Congress about Iran’s support to its terrorist proxies, its nuclear advancements and its production of new weapons systems like single-use drones.

It further requires prompt notification to Congress if the intelligence community finds that Iran has made the decision to produce a nuclear weapon from its stockpiles of highly enriched uranium.

The bill also includes a new authority permitting the U.S. to quickly send weapons seized in transit from Iran to the Houthis to U.S. allies, potentially including Israel and Ukraine.

The NDAA instructs the administration to create a strategy for expanding U.S. security partnerships with Jordan and Lebanon, including working to ensure the disarmament of Hezbollah. It requires the Defense Department to set out benchmarks for cutting off support to the Lebanese Armed Forces if they fail to make progress in or are unwilling to disarm Hezbollah.

The legislation also includes a provision to withhold 25% of U.S. security assistance to Iraq until the administration certifies that the Iraqi government is taking steps to weaken Iran-aligned militia groups in Iraq and remove members of Iran-aligned groups operating as part of the Iraqi security forces, though the secretary of defense can waive those conditions.

And it requires the administration to declassify all documents related to the Iranian proxy attack on the U.S.’ Tower 22 Facility in Jordan in January 2024, which killed three U.S. service members.

Matching an executive order from the Trump administration, the legislation codifies a new designation and sanctions regime for countries engaging in wrongful detention of U.S. citizens, with a requirement that the State Department report to Congress on whether Iran should be so designated.

In addition to the Caesar Act repeal, other Syria-related provisions in the bill require the administration to report to Congress on the possibility and security concerns involved in reopening the U.S. embassy in Damascus, the U.S.’ force posture in Syria and any planned changes to U.S. forces in the country. 

It does not include a more stringent provision from the Senate version of the bill requiring the Pentagon to certify that drawing down U.S. forces in Syria would not compromise U.S. priorities.

The NDAA also provides continued authorization for the U.S. to assist vetted Syrian groups in combating terrorism in the country.

The bill additionally mandates that the Defense Department report to Congress on the possibility of expanding the Comprehensive Security Integration and Prosperity Agreement — an economic and security pact with Bahrain — to include other countries.

And it requires the administration to develop a plan to counter foreign efforts to “continue or expand” the civil war in Sudan.

The legislation does not include a House-proposed provision extending through 2029 the authorization — currently set to lapse on Jan. 1, 2027 — for the U.S. weapons stockpile in Israel, which Israel can tap into in emergencies. 

It also excludes House provisions that aimed to tackle Hezbollah’s operations in South America and to encourage defections by senior Iranian officials. A House provision awarding medals to those servicemembers involved in the U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities in June was not included either.
Other provisions from the House draft of the bill relating to antisemitism, including prohibiting Department of Defense funding for schools that failed to take action against antisemitic demonstrations, and requiring reports on antisemitism in the Pentagon and transnational antisemitic extremism, were also excluded.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced on Wednesday that the U.S. would sanction Francesca Albanese, the widely criticized United Nations special rapporteur for Israel and the Palestinian Territories.

“Today I am imposing sanctions on UN Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese for her illegitimate and shameful efforts to prompt [International Criminal Court] action against U.S. and Israeli officials, companies, and executives,” Rubio said in a statement. “Albanese’s campaign of political and economic warfare against the United States and Israel will no longer be tolerated. We will always stand by our partners in their right to self-defense.”

She is being sanctioned under the Trump administration’s executive order targeting the International Criminal Court. 

Members of Congress from both parties, as well as officials in both the Trump and Biden administrations, have condemned Albanese for her bias against Israel, downplaying and justifying the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks, comparing Israel to Nazi Germany, denying Israel’s right to defend itself and utilizing antisemitic rhetoric, among other issues, calling repeatedly calling for her to be dismissed. The French and German governments have also condemned the U.N. official.

A group of House members issued another call for her dismissal as recently as last month.

“The United States will continue to take whatever actions we deem necessary to respond to lawfare and protect our sovereignty and that of our allies,” Rubio continued.

The sanctions would bar Albanese from entering the U.S., where she has conducted speaking tours, and freeze any assets she, or any of her family members, have in the U.S.

“As chair of the DOJ Task Force to Combat Antisemitism, I applaud Secretary Rubio’s decision to impose sanctions on UN Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese,” Leo Terrell, a senior counsel at the Justice Department, told Jewish Insider. “In May, I wrote a public letter calling for her removal due to her long and troubling record of antisemitic rhetoric. This long-overdue step sends a clear message: such hatred will not be tolerated.“

Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, Danny Danon, praised Rubio for the decision. 

“Her relentless and biased campaign against Israel and the United States has long crossed the line from human rights advocacy into political warfare,” Danon said. “Albanese has consistently debased the credibility of the UN by promoting false, dangerous narratives that are detached from reality.”

Rep. Brad Sherman (D-CA), who has led multiple communiques from Congress calling for Albanese to be fired and recently said she has “blood on her hands,” told JI, “Today’s sanctions are …  an important step in response to Ms. Albanese’s regular antisemitism.”

“However,” Sherman continued, “until [the] UN removes Ms. Albanese from her post, it is clear that the UN continues to endorse antisemitism within its ranks.”

Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY), the chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee’s Middle East subcommittee, said, “Francesca Albanese’s absurd campaign against the U.S. and Israel ends today. We will not tolerate antisemitic witch hunts by the UN and its affiliates.”

Rep. Randy Fine (R-FL) said, “Albanese is a full-throated supporter of Muslim terror.”

Terrell wrote to Albanese earlier this year condemning her for a series of letters she wrote to organizations and businesses that support and invest in Israel, suggesting they may be criminally liable for genocide and war crimes.

Albanese has also allegedly faced private criticism from U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres.

Hillel Neuer, the executive director of UN Watch, which has scrutinized Albanese’s activity and history, called Rubio’s decision “bold and courageous.” 

“No U.N. official has ever been sanctioned before in history,” Neuer told JI. “Then again, no U.N. official has ever been condemned for Holocaust distortion and antisemitism by France, Germany, Canada, and both Democratic and Republican US administrations. … She will never again spread her poison on American campuses or enter the country. Justice is served. Good triumphs over evil.”

Jewish Insider congressional correspondent Emily Jacobs contributed reporting.