During Tuesday’s meeting between President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the leaders strengthened their relationship and confirmed the completion of several deals. Any plan to utilize such transactions as part of normalization with Israel, however, was notably absent. 

While taking questions from reporters in the Oval Office, Trump confirmed that the U.S. would sell Saudi Arabia F-35 fighter jets of similar caliber to Israel’s. At a dinner that evening, the president added that a strategic security agreement had crossed the finish line, while also formally naming Saudi Arabia a major non-NATO ally. On Wednesday, the two countries announced a strategic artificial intelligence partnership.

“The main takeaway of the visit was the normalization of the U.S.-Saudi relationship,” said Aaron David Miller, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and former State Department negotiator. “[There was] very little, it seemed to me, not surprisingly, on the side of normalization to Israel. It’s almost as if Israel was sort of an afterthought this visit.”

When asked by reporters why normalization with Israel was not prioritized, Trump did not provide much of a response, instead asserting that Israel is “going to be happy.”

Observers had anticipated that Trump would roll out the red carpet for MBS on his visit to Washington. What remained unknown was whether the deepening ties between Washington and Riyadh would come with progress between Saudi Arabia and Israel, the United States’ closest ally in the region.

But the deals announced this week were made without any apparent requirement of progress toward normalization, leading some experts and leaders of pro-Israel groups to raise questions about the Trump administration’s strategy. 

“By the way this was done, President Trump seems to have elevated the partnerships with Saudi Arabia and maybe, to some degree, with other Gulf states, above pretty much all other U.S. partnerships, including Israel,” said Dan Shapiro, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel under former President Barack Obama. 

“So that means that other considerations, like ensuring the right incentives are still in place for Saudi Arabia to normalize relations with Israel or ensuring that military sales are done in a way that protects U.S. interests and Israel’s security interests, may be less important than they have been under previous administrations.”

Shapiro said that while it is reasonable for the U.S. to strengthen its partnerships with Gulf countries, the deals gave away major incentives for normalization “without knowing whether it can be achieved later.” He also added that it came without guarantees from the Saudi government on limiting military cooperation with China and Russia. 

Anne Dreazen, the vice president for the American Jewish Committee’s Center for a New Middle East, told JI that Saudi-Israeli normalization could not have been achieved on this visit, adding that it was “not in the cards right now.”

“Now the paradigm is shifting where it’s about peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia being logical and good based on its own merits, when they can get the politics right and when they can reach agreement on the Palestinian issue,” said Anne Dreazen, the vice president for the American Jewish Committee’s Center for a New Middle East.

“Right now we’re not there. The politics in Israel and Saudi Arabia are not right for this,” said Dreazen. “I think President Trump realized that it wasn’t going to happen in this visit and wanted to move ahead with these deals because there’s a strong perception that making some deals with Saudi Arabia is in America’s interest.”

Dreazen, however, still believes normalization is “going to happen,” adding that she has confidence from conversations with Saudi officials that political differences will be resolved in the future. 

Trump’s decision to make significant deals with Saudi Arabia while not pressing for normalization suggests the White House is taking a different approach than in the past, Dreazen argued.

“Now the paradigm is shifting where it’s about peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia being logical and good based on its own merits, when they can get the politics right and when they can reach agreement on the Palestinian issue,” said Dreazen, a shift from how former President Joe Biden approached negotiations.

But with MBS leaving Washington with so many deliverables, it’s unclear whether he will still prioritize normalization. 

The Israelis are “going to be right to worry that the Saudis may feel like they’ve gotten everything they want and don’t have any need left for normalization,” Shapiro said. 

Following his Oval Office meeting with Trump, the Saudi crown prince told reporters, “We want to be part of the Abraham Accords, but we want also to be sure that [we] secure a clear path [toward a] two-state solution.”

Leaders of pro-Israel groups said normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia should remain a top policy priority for the U.S.

“The United States would be stronger and more secure if our major non-NATO allies worked together to promote regional peace, stability and prosperity,” said AIPAC spokesman Marshall Wittmann. “This objective would be advanced if Saudi Arabia joined the Abraham Accords, and U.S. leaders should urge it to do so.”

In a statement released on Wednesday, Democratic Majority for Israel’s president and CEO, Brian Romick, said that expanding the Abraham Accords must be “central to U.S. policy,” and urged Congress to play an active role in reviewing U.S. defense agreements with Saudi Arabia.

“Any substantial upgrade in the U.S.–Saudi relationship — including access to advanced U.S. defense systems — must be tied to meaningful, measurable progress toward Saudi-Israeli normalization,” Romick said in a statement. “It is now incumbent on the Trump Administration to use our leverage with Saudi Arabia to make real progress toward normalization.”

“There’s clearly a political dynamic going on here,” said Israel Policy Forum chief policy officer Michael Koplow. “Trump went out of his way to almost poke at the Israelis. He implied that [the U.S. is] OK with the Saudis getting F-35s but [the Israelis] want the Saudis to get a less advanced version, and he almost seemed to boast about the fact that he’s going to give the Saudis whatever he wants no matter what Israel says.”

Trump’s promise of F-35 sales to Saudi Arabia has raised questions about which model and allowances Riyadh will receive and whether Israel will maintain its qualitative military edge, which the U.S. is bound by law to uphold. To date, Israel is the only country in the Middle East to have obtained the fighter jet. 

U.S. officials and experts told Reuters that the F-35 jets the U.S. plans to sell to Saudi Arabia will lack superior features that Israel’s fleet has.

Israel Policy Forum chief policy officer Michael Koplow voiced concerns about the security aspect of the deals. 

“It doesn’t surprise me that all of these things are going ahead,” said Koplow. “What surprises me more is that some of the things that have been discussed over the past couple of days seem to put Israel in a more difficult security position, particularly this question of sales of F-35s.”

Israel’s government, meanwhile, has stayed largely quiet about the F-35 sales, though the Israeli Air Force has objected to the deal, warning that it could damage Israel’s air superiority in the region   

“There’s clearly a political dynamic going on here,” said Koplow. “Trump went out of his way to almost poke at the Israelis. He implied that [the U.S. is] OK with the Saudis getting F-35s but [the Israelis] want the Saudis to get a less advanced version, and he almost seemed to boast about the fact that he’s going to give the Saudis whatever he wants no matter what Israel says.”

Senate Democrats echoed their House counterparts on Tuesday in expressing concern about President Donald Trump’s announcement of a deal to sell advanced F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia.

Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), who serves on the Armed Services Committee, told Jewish Insider, “I think there are very serious, potential negative impacts on our national security and they include changing the qualitative edge for Israel, the possibility of a hostile use of them [the jets], the absence of any normalization agreement, which should be part of it, so I think there ought to be very close, critical scrutiny.”

The prospect of advanced weapons sales to Saudi Arabia — along with several other deals announced by Trump on Tuesday with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman — had previously been linked to Saudi Arabia joining the Abraham Accords, something the kingdom is unwilling to do without a “clear path to a two-state solution,” MBS said.

Blumenthal said he was unsure if he would meet with the crown prince during his visit to Washington this week, citing scheduling conflicts. The Connecticut senator said that he’d like to ask MBS about the path forward toward normalization with Israel and the kingdom’s role in the future of Gaza. 

“What’s the path to normalization? Realistically how can we get there as quickly as possible? Because it’s so important to peace and stability in the region,” Blumenthal told JI. “What are the Saudis willing to commit to do for the international security force and for reconstruction of Gaza and financial peace?”

Sen. Mark Kelly (D-AZ) described the jets as an “incredibly capable airplane” and noted that “Israel has F-35s, [as do] some of our other allies.” The Arizona senator said that while he supports the U.S. engaging with the Saudis, he had reservations about selling them the jets.

“Is this the step to some kind of bigger security arrangement in the Middle East? We’ll have to see. I think there’s some benefits for Israel and for Saudi Arabia and for the United States if that’s the case,” Kelly told JI. “I am always concerned about our best technology winding up in the proximity of any of our adversaries. The Chinese have been attempting to build a port there in the UAE, that’s pretty close. So I do worry about these things.”

Some in the Defense Department have reportedly expressed concerns that a sale of the jets to Saudi Arabia would provide China with an opportunity to take or compromise sensitive American technologies.

“I have concerns about it, and also about how the Saudis are going to use these planes,” he added.

Kelly said that if he were a member of the Foreign Relations Committee he would want assurances that China would not have access to U.S. technology before approving the sales.

“If I was on SFRC and had the ability to approve this, I’d want a lot of assurances that the Saudis are going to protect that technology,” Kelly said. “The Chinese would love to get close to these airplanes, to get the radar signatures, if they’re not stealing it from us already.”

Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), the ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee who will have some ability to obstruct or slow the deal, was deeply critical of multiple announcements made by Trump during his White House summit with MBS.

Shaheen said in a statement that the F-35 deal “raises major concerns about protecting U.S. military technology and the military edge America shares with our allies” and demanded the administration “fully explain to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee why this sale is in the vital national interest of the United States.”

The senior Democrat also said that any security agreement made with Saudi Arabia without Senate approval “is very troubling” and would be non-binding and “easily reversed” by a future administration.

“Bypassing Congress on commitments of this scale sets a dangerous precedent, especially after a similar agreement with Qatar without Senate approval,” Shaheen said.

She also said that any nuclear deal with Riyadh, which Trump said on Tuesday he is pursuing, must ensure that it cannot enrich or reprocess nuclear material and include stringent inspections, and warned that “Saudi Arabia’s stated intention to acquire nuclear weapons if Iran does demands extreme caution.”

Shaheen also warned that any deal to provide advanced computer chips to Saudi Arabia must be made in consultation with Congress to protect America’s AI and technological edge over China.

Republican Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-OK), an Armed Services Committee member, indicated support for the deal, saying, “we have strategic partners around the region and this has been a discussion going on for a long time. … It’s, I think, a [move] in the right direction.”

Other Republicans have also backed the president on the issue.

Mullin said he’d also like to see the United Arab Emirates acquire F-35s. During his first term, Trump sealed a deal to sell the jets to the UAE — in connection with the signing of the Abraham Accords — but the Biden administration suspended the deal due to concerns about the UAE’s relationship with China.

The UAE has since expressed it is no longer interested in reopening the deal.

Mullin said he’s planning to meet with the Saudi crown prince on Wednesday if their schedules allow, to “continue [the] conversation” from past meetings.

In an Oval Office appearance following their meeting on Tuesday, President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman announced progress on multiple bilateral initiatives, including a U.S.-Saudi defense pact and Riyadh’s purchase of F-35 fighter jets.  

Trump indicated Riyadh may receive a similar jet to Israel’s advanced F-35I Adir model: “When you look at the F-35 and you’re asking me ‘Is it the same [as Israel’s]?’ I think it’s going to be pretty similar,” said Trump. “This [Saudi Arabia] is a great ally, and Israel’s a great ally. I know they’d like you [MBS] to get planes of reduced caliber, but I don’t think that makes you too happy. … We’re looking at that exactly right now but as far as I’m concerned, [both countries are] at a level where they should get top of the line.”

The U.S. is obligated to uphold Israel’s qualitative military advantage in the region, which the sale of the F-35 stealth fighter jets could threaten. The U.S. has thus far only sold the F-35s to longstanding military allies.

In addition, U.S. national security hawks have raised worries that, given Saudi Arabia’s growing relationship with China, some of the sophisticated technology in the advanced military systems could fall into the hands of America’s leading geopolitical rival.

With Saudi Arabia now the only other country in the Middle East besides Israel to obtain the fighter jet, questions remain around which model and allowances Riyadh will receive. The F-35I is Israel’s unique model; other countries fly standard F-35A, B or C models. In addition, the U.S. has granted Jerusalem customization rights and operational freedoms with the F-35 that other countries do not have, including the ability to install its own software and gear, access to deeper source code and domestic maintenance and repair authorities, all of which contribute to its qualitative military edge. 

When asked why normalization with Israel is not a prerequisite to the deal, Trump said, “Israel will be happy. Israel’s aware and they’re going to be very happy,” but did not elaborate.

MBS said Riyadh is still interested in such normalization: “We believe having a good relationship with all the Middle Eastern countries is a good thing. We want to be part of the Abraham Accords, but we want also to be sure that we secure a clear path of a two state solution.” 

“Today we had a healthy discussion that we are going to work on that to be sure that we can prepare as soon as possible to have that,” he continued.

Trump said he had not received a definitive “commitment” from MBS, but said that the crown prince has “a very good feeling toward the Abraham Accords.”

“Definitely, Mr. President,” MBS replied. “We want peace for the Israelis, we want peace for the Palestinians. We want them to coexist peacefully in the region. We will do our best to reach that day.”

Trump said the two countries “have reached an agreement” on a defense pact, without offering further details, and also noted that he expects the U.S. to reach a civil nuclear agreement with Saudi Arabia, saying he can “see that happening,” but also stressing that “ it is not urgent.” He also confirmed the U.S. is working on approving export licenses for “certain levels of chips” to Saudi Arabia. 

“We may have announcements on that later today,” said Secretary of State Marco Rubio. “But that’s what we’ve been working on, is the mechanics by which something like that can be achieved. And that’s part of this broader engagement and cooperation between our two countries.” 

MBS also confirmed that Saudi investment in the U.S. will be increased, following on Trump’s visit to Riyadh for a U.S.-Saudi investment forum in May when Saudi Arabia pledged to make a $600 billion investment in the U.S in sectors such as defense, energy and technology.

“Today and tomorrow we can announce that we are going to increase that $600 billion to almost $1 trillion of investment, real investment and real opportunity,” said MBS. “The agreement that we are signing today in many areas in technology and AI and materials … that will create a lot of investment opportunities for our countries.”

Trump welcomed the announcement. “When you invest a trillion dollars, that’s national security for us too because it creates jobs, it creates a lot of things,” he told reporters. “When you hear one country is putting a trillion dollars into the United States that creates national security … that’s a real ally that will do that. It creates a lot of power for the United States.”

House Republicans sounded largely supportive of President Donald Trump’s announcement on Monday that he plans to sign a deal to sell advanced F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia, despite an apparent lack of progress toward normalization of relations between Riyadh and Israel.

The deal was previously seen as linked to Saudi Arabia’s normalization of relations with Israel — a prospect that seems less viable following the war in Gaza. The Trump administration is pushing ahead nonetheless.

“I’m very supportive of the president in every effort to reach out to Saudi Arabia,” Rep. Joe Wilson (R-SC), a senior member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, told Jewish Insider. “Saudi Arabia has been so significant in addressing the regime change in Syria and so over and over again, Saudi Arabia is proving [itself].”

He further noted that the kingdom has agreed to buy around $40 billion in Boeing aircraft manufactured in Wilson’s home state — “so I could give you a couple of reasons why I want to continue what the president is doing. He’s doing a great job.”

Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY), who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Committee’s Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee, indicated that he supports the sale. A spokesperson highlighted that he has introduced legislation that would allow Abraham Accords members a quicker timeline to acquire U.S. weapons systems.

“The U.S. partnership with Saudi Arabia is essential to expanding the Abraham Accords, isolating Iran and its proxies, and advancing regional stability. Congressman Lawler is focused on ensuring our partners can deter malign influence from Russia, China, and Iran,” Lawler spokesperson Ciro Riccardi said in a statement.

Rep. Ann Wagner (R-MO), a co-chair of the Abraham Accords Caucus, expressed confidence that the normalization process is proceeding.

“With the recent addition of Kazakhstan to the Accords, momentum continues to build for increased normalization of economic and diplomatic ties with our greatest democratic partner in the Middle East, Israel,” Wagner told JI. “Saudi Arabia’s participation in the Accords would be hugely beneficial to Israel, the U.S., and other Abraham Accords partners, and I am confident that President Trump is working hard to bring Saudi Arabia on board. As co-chair of the Abraham Accords Caucus, I will be watching developments with the Saudis closely, with a strong hope they officially join the accords in the future.”

Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-FL), a pro-Israel Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Committee, suggested that the deal could be a precursor to further progress on normalization.

“I actually think we are taking steps toward normalization in the region. We just added a country to the Abraham Accords in Kazakhstan and so I think [the F-35 deal] perhaps could be the beginning step toward normalization,” he said.

But other Democrats expressed more hesitance about the deal.

Rep. Brad Schneider (D-IL), a co-chair of the Abraham Accords Caucus, suggested that normalization should precede the sale of F-35s.

“Saudi Arabia either bilaterally normalizing relations with Israel or joining the Abraham Accords would change the entire political and security landscape in the Middle East. Such a change would certainly require a reassessment of the assumptions underpinning our strategic outlook for the region and revisions to our policy doctrines, including provision of the F-35 platform to Saudi Arabia, while also preserving Israel’s qualitative military edge,” Schneider said.

He added that it is “imperative that Congress maintains its proper role in the foreign military sales process. The White House must provide to Congress a classified briefing on what the United States is receiving in return for the potential sale of F-35s,” vowing to his “colleagues to ensure that any transfer protects our service members, advances our interests, and preserves Israel’s security.”

Rep. Brad Sherman (D-CA), a leading opponent of advanced weapons sales to Saudi Arabia who also sits on the Foreign Affairs Committee, said that the sale could compromise Israel’s security.

“Just because they aren’t Shiite doesn’t mean they are Zionists. I am very concerned about anything [that] impairs Israel’s qualitative military advantage,” Sherman said. “I fear that our policies could be influenced by Saudi purchases of Trump coin,” a reference to the Trump family’s cryptocurrency.

Rep. Adam Smith (D-WA), the ranking member of the House Armed Services Committee, characterized Trump’s announcement as premature. 

“We’ll see how that plays out. There’s a lot of things that have to be done before that decision is made,” he said, adding that he’s “a little skeptical [of the announcement] until I hear some more details.”

President Donald Trump is slated to meet with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on Tuesday in a meeting that experts told Jewish Insider is expected to move forward a U.S.-Saudi defense pact and sale of F-35 fighter jets to the kingdom — yet normalization with Israel, once tied to the prospect of such deals, remains elusive. 

U.S. and Saudi officials have been holding intense negotiations to finalize a defense agreement ahead of the visit, according to reports. Since an Iranian attack on Saudi oil refineries in 2019, Riyadh has sought to formalize American security guarantees, according to Ghaith al-Omari, a senior fellow at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

“Saudi Arabia is an important American security partner,” said Brad Bowman, a senior director at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. “The United States and Saudi Arabia have been working toward a regional security architecture for years.”

The agreement is expected to be modeled after the assurances Trump gave to Qatar in a September executive order, which stated that the U.S. will regard “any armed attack” on Qatar “as a threat to the peace and security of the United States.” 

“Having for better or worse made the commitment to Qatar, it seems to me unfathomable that the administration wouldn’t offer at least the same commitment to Saudi Arabia and probably to other traditional Gulf partners like the UAE who over the years have often been more steadfast and reliable allies in their support for U.S. regional and global objectives,” said John Hannah, a senior fellow at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America. 

Al-Omari said such guarantees help to solidify American leadership in the Middle East and “serve to limit Chinese influence in the region.” 

“It is almost certain that Saudi Arabia will get defense guarantees in this visit,” said Al-Omari. “Providing such guarantees is the correct policy. The security of Saudi Arabia is an American interest, and is key to deter Iran and its proxies from destabilizing the Kingdom. It also sends a clear message that the U.S. remains committed to its Middle East allies.”

Should the defense agreement be formalized as an executive order, like with the Qatar deal, it will need to be enforced by the next president to remain effective. Bowman argued that any serious agreement should instead go through the appropriate process even if it takes time.

“[The security deal] is essentially a treaty that should go through the U.S. Senate,” said Bowman. “That’s not going to be quick, but if we really believe what we’re saying about the value of Saudi Arabia as a security partner … then why not take the time and build consensus and explain that to the American people and their representatives on Capitol Hill and make the case?”

Hannah said that a more formal defense pact is also in Saudi Arabia’s best interest. 

“The problem for the Saudis is that until recently, they were holding out for an actual Senate-approved defense treaty that would have made the U.S. commitment to the Kingdom’s future wellbeing a bipartisan and permanent feature of the American foreign policy landscape rather than the temporary pledge of a polarizing, mercurial, and increasingly unpopular president who will be gone in three years time,” said Hannah. “That’s a pretty public climb down and trimming of ambitions from the kind of history-making agreement and lasting transformation of U.S.-Saudi ties that MBS has been insisting that he needed for the past three years.”

“It is likely that an announcement about the F-35s will be made,” said Ghaith al-Omari, a senior fellow at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “However, turning such an announcement into reality will have to contend with a number of challenges — whether the legal requirement to maintain Israel’s [qualitative military edge is met], or other congressional processes required to finalize such a deal.”

Riyadh is also reportedly seeking to purchase a weapons package from the U.S. that would include F-35 fighter jets. If agreed upon, Saudi Arabia would become the first nation in the Middle East other than Israel to procure it. 

The Trump administration has been open to such a deal this year, but questions still remain regarding the impact such an agreement might have, including on Israel’s qualitative military edge, which the U.S. is bound by law to uphold.

“It is likely that an announcement about the F-35s will be made,” said Al-Omari. “However, turning such an announcement into reality will have to contend with a number of challenges — whether the legal requirement to maintain Israel’s [qualitative military edge is met], or other congressional processes required to finalize such a deal.”

Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Yechiel Leiter said in an interview published on Thursday by The Jerusalem Post that Israel “prefer[s] that Turkey not receive F-35 [fighter jet]s from the U.S.” but said that “there’s no indication that Israel’s qualitative edge will be compromised” if Saudi Arabia were to acquire them.

The potential F-35 deal has also prompted concern on the risks of transferring sensitive technology to Riyadh while it cooperates militarily with China, a key U.S. adversary. 

“Guess what the Saudi military forces did last month? Last month, Saudi naval forces conducted a military exercise with China,” said Bowman. “That’s not a good look for a country. That’s not going to sit well with a lot of folks on Capitol Hill.” 

Bowman said that in the past, Saudi Arabia has suggested they would turn to Beijing if they couldn’t get “what they wanted” militarily from the U.S. 

Should the Trump administration formally approve the sale, it is required by law to be submitted to Congress where there is first a non-statutory, but normally respected, review process that involves leaders of the two foreign relations committees. However, it is highly unlikely for the sale to be stopped even if lawmakers disapprove, once the administration decides to formally submit the sale to Congress.

“The law provides a mechanism for Congress to try to stop an arms sale up to the point of delivery, but that requires both chambers to pass joint resolutions of disapproval and then overcome a prospective presidential veto,” said Bowman. “The Congressional Research Service noted last year that Congress has never blocked a proposed arms sale this way.”

While the Biden administration had tied such security deals to progress on normalization, Al-Omari said that the Trump White House has “abandoned this approach.”

“I think it would be folly not to insist that the ultimate integration of these planes into the Saudi order of battle be tied to normalization and a more fundamental and permanent transformation in Saudi-Israel relations and the regional security landscape,” said Hannah. 

Bowman agreed, “The F-35, to me, provides valuable leverage in getting Riyadh to recognize the world’s only majority Jewish state. Forfeiting that leverage would be unwise. I can’t imagine giving our nation’s most advanced fighter jet to a country that refuses to normalize relations with our best ally in the Middle East.” 

While experts believe Trump is unlikely to push normalization in the upcoming meeting, they say it is still something the Trump administration is pursuing. 

“The price for MBS clearly has gone up after two years of devastation in Gaza — and more important, two years of non-stop 24/7 coverage in Arab media of Palestinian suffering and carnage,” said John Hannah, a senior fellow at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America. “MBS knows how significant his entry into the Middle East peace club will be for regional and global politics and he seems set on delivering something significant in exchange.” 

“President Trump is still committed to pushing forward Saudi-Israeli normalization,” said Al-Omari. “Yet he is also aware that the gap between the two countries at the moment is too wide to bridge.” 

Saudi officials have said they require an Israeli commitment to a two-state solution as a prerequisite to normalizing ties. Hannah said that he does not expect progress towards normalization during the trip, also adding that in the wake of the war in Gaza, Riyadh may be looking to gain more concessions before formally entering a peace agreement.

“The price for MBS clearly has gone up after two years of devastation in Gaza — and more important, two years of non-stop 24/7 coverage in Arab media of Palestinian suffering and carnage. MBS knows how significant his entry into the Middle East peace club will be for regional and global politics and he seems set on delivering something significant in exchange.” 

“I wouldn’t rule out that Trump might be willing during the visit to show greater openness and even U.S. support for the eventual establishment of a Palestinian state along lines articulated by [MBS] in an effort to inch him along a little faster on normalization,” Hannah added. “Trump’s pressure and powers of persuasion, and his ability to offer other economic and military incentives to [MBS], also might help temper the crown prince’s demands and ambitions at the margins if the side payments are significant enough.”

Still, Al-Omari believes there are other ways the Trump administration could utilize the upcoming meeting to gain progress towards this goal.

“Instead, the U.S. should explore areas of economic cooperation between the two countries,” said Al-Omari. “That may fall short of full normalization, but would lay the groundwork for future progress.”

The Trump administration is weighing a multibillion-dollar sale of F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia, a potential major policy shift that has stirred debate over the military balance in the region and Washington’s commitment to preserving Israel’s “qualitative military edge.” 

Saudi Arabia has requested 48 of the advanced aircraft, a proposal the Pentagon is considering, according to Reuters. The deal would require approval at the cabinet level and from President Donald Trump, as well as the notification of Congress. 

The sale would represent a shift in U.S. policy, which has historically restricted sales of the jets largely to NATO countries and fellow democracies. The F-35  is the world’s premier stealth fighter, with capabilities that have allowed Israel to deter threats from Iran and its proxy groups such as Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis. 

Israel initially acquired F-35 jets from the U.S. in 2016, and in 2024 signed a deal to acquire an additional squadron with deliveries set to begin in 2028 in batches of three to five per year — bringing Israel’s total fleet to 75 in the coming years. 

U.S. policy in the Middle East under both Democratic and Republican administrations has for decades been to uphold Israel’s qualitative military edge in the region, formally written into law in 2008 under the Obama administration. 

In this spirit, the U.S. has refrained from supplying the aircraft to militaries hostile to Israel or countries that haven’t yet normalized ties with the Jewish state. 

The Trump administration aims to bring Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accords, but Riyadh has maintained that normalization is tied to the recognition by Israel of a Palestinian state. 

Some experts warned that the deal could raise concerns in Israel that the U.S. is willing to make major defense deals with Arab nations without requiring normalization and over whether it will maintain its military edge.

“Why would we consider giving our nation’s most advanced fighter jet to a country that refuses to normalize relations with Israel?” said Bradley Bowman, a senior director at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. “And why would we not use the aircraft as an additional point of leverage to get Riyadh to [normalize ties with Israel]? That seems to me to be a no brainer,”

Robert Satloff, executive director of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said that while Riyadh and Jerusalem have become more “strategically aligned” and disputes over arms sales are largely “a thing of the past,” the proposed deal could renew discussion over whether Israel’s military edge will be maintained.

“Israel has legitimate concerns about maintaining its QME … which the prospect of selling America’s most sophisticated warplane to any other Middle Eastern country would trigger,” said Satloff. “In that context, discussion about the impact of an F-35 sale on Israel’s QME is fair, proper and to be expected.”  

Bowman called Saudi Arabia an “important U.S. security partner” and said American security assistance to allies is generally “a good thing,” but he noted that the deal, which would still leave Israel as the “most capable” military in the Middle East, could impact the Jewish state’s qualitative military edge by definition. 

“Qualitative military edge is not an optional thing. It’s a statutory requirement,” said Bowman. “Let’s remember, QME explicitly says it’s not just Israel’s military capabilities compared to any other one country; it’s a consideration of Israel’s military capabilities against any combination of countries. So it’s not just whether one other country is more capable. It’s a cumulative assessment … If you transfer America’s most advanced fighter jet to Saudi Arabia, then of course it’s going to affect Israel’s qualitative military edge.”

“F-35s for Saudi Arabia would be a significant improvement over what they currently have. It would be giving them, arguably the best, most advanced fighter jet in the world,” Bowman added. “So that, by definition, has to change the relative assessment of Israel’s capabilities versus Saudi Arabia. So if you make Saudi Arabia more capable, then there is a relative decrease in Israel’s military advantage.”

Though opinion of Saudi Arabia on Capitol Hill has warmed since Congress voted on a bipartisan basis in 2019 in favor of resolutions to block some weapons sales to Riyadh, some lawmakers, particularly Democrats, remain skeptical of providing advanced weapons to the kingdom given its checkered human rights record and involvement in various foreign conflicts.

Some lawmakers supportive of Israel might also be hesitant to approve sales of advanced weapons to Saudi Arabia without progress toward normalization.

Those skeptics could attempt to throw up roadblocks to the sale, though, like in 2019, they would likely be unable to block it from going through if the Trump administration remains committed to pressing the issue. In 2019, Trump vetoed the resolution, and opponents of the sale did not have sufficient support to override that veto.

Jason Greenblatt, former White House envoy to the Middle East under the first Trump administration, told Jewish Insider he is confident the deal will be beneficial for both the U.S. and Israel — and will keep the Jewish state’s military edge intact. 

“Saudi Arabia remains an important, long-standing and trusted U.S. ally that does not seek to attack or threaten Israel,” said Greenblatt. “Providing F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia enhances its ability to defend itself against attacks, including those from countries that pose threats to both Saudi Arabia and Israel. I am confident that the Trump administration conducted a thorough assessment to ensure that Israel’s QME will be preserved as part of this sale.” 

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is scheduled to visit Washington on Nov. 18. 

Trump has worked to expand U.S.-Saudi relations in his second term, visiting Riyadh in May 2025 where he secured a $600 billion investment from the Saudis towards the U.S. 

Riyadh has worked to heighten its standing as a global diplomatic powerbroker, hosting several bilateral and multilateral meetings in 2025, including the first high-level, direct meeting between Russia and the United States.