Daily Kickoff
Good Monday morning.
In today’s Daily Kickoff, we look at the growing daylight between the White House and Jerusalem and how that could affect Israel’s operations in Gaza, and spotlight this week’s AIPAC convening in Washington. Also in today’s Daily Kickoff: Sir Leonard Blavatnik, Sen. John Fetterman and Eden Golan.
There are growing signs that President Joe Biden is beginning to soften his support for Israel and its mission to defeat Hamas in Gaza, even as the White House is publicly telegraphing that the disagreements are with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, not the Israeli public, Jewish Insider Editor-in-Chief Josh Kraushaar writes.
After a State of the Union address where Biden sounded more animated over the humanitarian situation in Gaza than over Israel’s ability to defeat Hamas, he gave an interview to MSNBC’s Jonathan Capehart where he warned an Israeli operation going into Hamas’ final stronghold of Rafah was a “red line” for him.
“[Bibi]’s hurting Israel more than helping Israel, by making the rest of the world — it’s contrary to what Israel stands for. And I think it’s a big mistake. So I want to see a cease-fire. And I’m starting with a major, major exchange of prisoners for a six-week period,” Biden said in the interview.
This is part of anemerging White House strategy to break with Israel’s war strategy while proclaiming it still stands with Israel. The Biden administration is feeling pressure from its progressive flank in the middle of an election year, and is looking for a way to win back support from younger voters who have turned against Israel, while not sacrificing support from pro-Israel voters, who make up a clear majority of the American electorate.
For a while, Biden’s mollifying of the left was mostly symbolic. Administration officials apologized to Arab Americans in Michigan for initially being skeptical of the Hamas-provided death count, and tut-tutted Israel to take more consideration of humanitarian concerns. (Notably, Biden appeared to cite Hamas’ statistics in his State of the Union address, when he said “most” of the 30,000 Palestinians killed were “not Hamas.”)
But by focusing his energy on condemning Netanyahu instead of focusing on Hamas’ intransigence and disinterest in protecting civilian lives, Biden is ignoring the realities on the ground. He is no longer focusing his comments on calls for the terror group to be removed from power — even as Hamas has rejected the outlines of a temporary cease-fire that would require it to release some Israeli hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners. Israel has been receptive to the prospect of such a deal.
To be sure, the Biden administration has continued to send ammunition and military aid to Israel, even as the president said that a push into Hamas’ last stronghold in Rafah would cross a “red line.” He followed that by saying he would not stop providing Iron Dome anti-missile interceptors — but did not make similar assurances about weapons that are not defensive.
Biden’s desire to make Netanyahu the boogeyman is also undermined by Israeli public opinion, which overwhelmingly seeks Hamas’ military defeat. While Netanyahu is unpopular in Israel, his war cabinet’s goal to attack Hamas in Rafah is widely backed by Israelis across the ideological spectrum. A new Israel Democracy Institute survey found about two-thirds of Israelis support an expansion of IDF operations into Rafah, including 74% of Israeli Jews and 45% of left-wing Israelis.
If the goal of the Biden administration is to break up Netanyahu’s shaky coalition, attacking him for supporting what most Israelis want will likely have the opposite effect — giving Netanyahu his own foil to keep the right wing in line. Indeed, in an interview Sunday with Axel Springer, Netanyahu argued that an IDF push into Rafah and his opposition to putting the Palestinian Authority in charge of Gaza “are supported by the overwhelming majority of Israelis… They understand what’s good for Israel.”
Asserting that Israeli forces will go into Rafah, Netanyahu said, “We’re not going to leave them. You know, I have a red line. You know what the red line is? That October 7 doesn’t happen again. Never happens again.”
It was telling that even Netanyahu’s more liberal rival in the war cabinet, Benny Gantz, was similarly criticized by the White House last week over Israel’s military strategy. That only underscores that the divide is less about personalities but about policy and Israel’s ability to finish the war on its own terms.
The reality is that Biden’s evolving rhetoric is a result of his party’s growing divide with Israel that goes beyond the leader of its government. While a majority of Democrats still broadly support Israel — Sen. John Fetterman (D-PA) publicly endorsed an Israeli operation in Rafah on Sunday — there are signs of increasing uneasiness with the humanitarian toll of the war and an increasing number of Democrats are all too content with making Netanyahu the target of their frustrations.
treading a tightrope
Amid Biden barbs, Netanyahu navigates his own balancing act

When President Joe Biden told MSNBC on Saturday that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was “hurting Israel more than helping Israel,” he was hitting the polarizing Israeli leader at a precarious moment for his governing coalition, which is divided over domestic issues. But if Biden thought he was pushing Netanyahu closer to the political edge, he may find that this strategy has the opposite effect. Biden’s hot-mic call after Thursday’s State of the Union address for a “come to Jesus” meeting – a phrase unfamiliar to most Israelis, which Hebrew media translated as a scolding – and Vice President Kamala Harris’ call to “distinguish or at least not conflate the Israeli government with the Israeli people” punctuated a week in which Netanyahu had taken one domestic political hit after another, Jewish Insider’s Lahav Harkov reports.
Conscription consternation: The fallout continued from Defense Minister Yoav Gallant’s call at the end of February for an end to the Haredi exemption from the IDF draft, with Gallant saying he would only table legislation supported by all parties in the coalition – a seemingly impossible feat. Yet, if Netanyahu thought he could rely on the 64 members of his prewar, religious-right coalition to stick together when it comes to Haredi conscription, the response to remarks by Sephardic Chief Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef made clear that the issue is Haredim vs. everyone else – and that Netanyahu may not be able to avoid an election if he chooses the Haredi side, as he has in the past.
Gantz’s U.S. visit: In light of the increasingly critical comments from Washington, war cabinet Minister Benny Gantz sought in his visit to the White House to better communicate Israel’s position in the war than Netanyahu and other Israeli officials had managed. Yet the meetings with Gantz, in which there was little daylight with Netanyahu on Rafah and humanitarian aid, as well as the short-term infeasibility of the Palestinian Authority governing Gaza, should have clued the Biden administration into the fact that Netanyahu’s positions are broadly popular at home.
Opposite effect: Former Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Michael Oren saw Biden and Harris’ attempt to separate Netanyahu and Israelis as “delegitimizing the government that was democratically elected. It’s unconscionable… They’re saying we don’t accept the outcome of the [2022] election.” Biden, Oren argued, is “actually strengthening Bibi, not weakening him, because people are going to rally around him. As much as I think this government is a deep strategic liability, it makes me want to rally around [Netanyahu], because Biden is attacking Israeli democracy.”
Read more: The Wall Street Journal’s Elliot Kaufman suggests that every player in the Israel-Hamas war has its own “Operation Ramadan” and that Hamas’ aim is to use the monthlong holiday, which began last night, “to set off internal Israeli disorder,” whether by exacerbating tensions in Jerusalem or goading Hezbollah into a military escalation.