The ADL condemned the comments from the executive director of CAIR’s Ohio chapter as ‘hateful, utterly false’ rhetoric
Paul Sancya/AP
Khalid Turaani, co-chair of the Abandon Biden campaign in Michigan, speaks at the Islamic Center of Detroit in Detroit, Friday, Jan. 26, 2024.
Jewish groups condemned testimony by the executive director of the Ohio branch of the Council on American-Islamic Relations at a recent state Senate Judiciary Committee hearing during which he accused Israel of harvesting skin from deceased Palestinians.
Khalid Turaani testified on Feb. 18 against Senate Bill 87, which would see Ohio adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism, asserting that “Israel has the largest human skin bank in the world.”
Turaani claimed as his evidence a report by Israel’s Channel 10 from March 2014, though no such report exists. The conspiracy theory of Israeli organ harvesting originated in 2009, when a Swedish tabloid published falsehoods that the IDF kills Palestinians to provide organs to Israeli hospitals, and has been repeated by Palestinian media for years.
The claim, which reemerged in the aftermath of Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, terrorist attacks, also plays on the blood libel trope, an antisemitic conspiracy accusing Jews of murdering Christians to use their blood, that dates back to the Middle Ages.
“Where do you think they got all this skin from?” Turaani continued. “They have more human skin than China and India. They are literally skinning the dead bodies of my brothers and sisters in Palestine,” he said, without offering evidence. “And if I call them Nazis, your law is going to punish me.”
Greg Miller, board chair of Ohio Jewish Communities, which represents the state’s eight Jewish federations, told Jewish Insider that the “false, abhorrent and libelous statements made during this testimony are the kind that have been inciting hatred and violence against Jews for thousands of years.”
Miller said the testimony “only reinforces the need for passage of this bill that provides absolute clarity that those statements are antisemitic. By codifying the IHRA definition, such statements aren’t criminalized but makes it obvious to be condemned by all Ohioans as the blind hatred that inspired them.”
Lee C. Shapiro, the American Jewish Committee’s Cleveland regional director, told JI that while there is “room for reasoned discussion about the IHRA definition,” Turaani “chose to ignore facts and instead propagated hatred and easily dispelled lies. It’s an insult to Ohioans and a disservice to the public square.”
The Anti-Defamation League’s Ohio River Valley office said it was “appalled” by Turaani’s testimony. “The antisemitic organ harvesting myth plays on the blood libel trope, which has spurred the torture, murder, and expulsion of Jews for centuries,” the statement continued. “It continues to fuel violence against Jewish communities today. Such hateful, utterly false rhetoric has no place in our state capitol. We call on Ohio’s leaders to join us in condemning these remarks and standing firm against antisemitism in all its forms.”
Leaders and senior officials of CAIR have on numerous occasions in recent years drawn ire from the Jewish community over comments relating to Israel and antisemitism.
Turaani himself moderated an event in October featuring a Hamas official designated as a terrorist by the Treasury Department, as well as other Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad members.
And as Hamas was conducting its rampage across southern Israel on Oct. 7, Hussam Ayloush, the executive director of CAIR-LA, praised the attacks, tweeting a prayer for Allah to “grant relief, freedom, and victory to the people of Gaza.” Weeks later, Nihad Awad, the executive director of CAIR, said at a conference that he was “happy to see people breaking the siege” on Oct. 7, describing the attacks as an act of self-defense.
If Democrats want to have hope of regaining the confidence of the silent majority that propelled Trump to victory in 2024, they’ll need to be able to compete in the Buckeye State
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Democratic senate candidate, then-Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-OH), addresses volunteers at a campaign office on November 4, 2024 in Cleveland Heights, Ohio.
Ohio was once a perennial swing state but, as Democrats have lost ground with working-class voters, it has been a Republican stronghold over the last decade. But it could once again emerge as a political bellwether in 2026, as a test of whether Democrats can make inroads in rebuilding a coalition that can win back national power.
If Democrats want to have hope of regaining the confidence of the silent majority that propelled President Donald Trump to victory in 2024, they’ll need to be able to compete in the Buckeye State. And if Democrats hope to have any outside shot at retaking a Senate majority, the path runs through Ohio as well.
The state is holding two major races: appointed Sen. Jon Husted (R-OH) is facing off against former Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-OH), who lost his reelection in 2024. Early polling shows the race is competitive. Of note: Brown significantly outraised Husted in fundraising over the last three months of the year, $7.3 million to $1.5 million, and already has more cash-on-hand than the sitting senator.
Brown had been the only statewide Democratic politician to maintain some support with the blue-collar voters that drifted away from the party in the Trump era. Husted, the state’s former lieutenant governor and secretary of state, is a traditional Republican politician with a party-line voting record but is facing the prospect of rough political headwinds this year for the GOP.
And in an open gubernatorial race to succeed the term-limited GOP Gov. Mike DeWine, Democrat Amy Acton is facing off against Republican Vivek Ramaswamy, two candidates whose time spent in public service and politics have been quite polarizing.
Acton, who was head of the state’s Department of Health during the COVID pandemic, ended up leaving the role early amid a chorus of conservative complaints about her heavy-handed approach to coronavirus regulations and safety protocols. Acton, who is Jewish, is hoping her medical background and role as a political outsider will matter more than the polarizing public health controversies.
Ramaswamy, who made an unlikely jump to presidential politics in 2024 after a career as a biotech entrepreneur, alienated a number of Republicans for his anti-establishment and isolationist messaging during the campaign. But his gubernatorial campaign has tacked more to the center, as he has spoken out against white nationalists within the GOP during his campaign. His newfound pragmatism helped him receive this month the endorsement of DeWine, who had been an occasional critic.
In the Trump era, Ohio has become solidly Republican, giving Trump an 11-point margin of victory in 2024. But the state’s Senate races have been somewhat more competitive: Sen. Bernie Moreno (R-OH) defeated Brown by just three points (50-47%) in the same year, while now-Vice President JD Vance prevailed by six points in his 2022 campaign. Both those elections took place in favorable GOP years, while 2026 is shaping up to be more hospitable for Democrats as the party that’s out of power.
In the big picture, winning Ohio is a necessity if Democrats want to entertain any hopes of retaking the Senate. They need to net four GOP-held Senate seats to retake the majority, and only North Carolina and Maine are currently toss-up races. Among other GOP-held seats, Ohio is the next-closest opportunity and Brown is the strongest recruit they have in the red-state races. (Former Democratic Rep. Mary Peltola’s Alaska Senate candidacy is the other big red-state recruit worth watching.)
More importantly, the Ohio contests will test how partisan voters really are, at a time when Trump is testing the patience of some of his working-class supporters. Persuadable Ohio voters are still anxious about the state of the economy, haven’t seen a return of manufacturing jobs back in the state and are receptive to criticism that the administration is focusing more abroad at the expense of domestic concerns back home.
If the Trump coalition is able to hold together, Republicans should be able to ride the partisan tide to victory in Ohio — even if the party faces a down year in 2026. But if there really is a schism taking place within the GOP, the blue-collar states where Democrats until recently experienced success could end up becoming battleground territory once again.
Ohio is ground zero for testing that scenario.
Acton, the expected Democratic nominee, was the state’s public health director during COVID, a legacy she hopes won’t get in the way of her affordability message
Tony Dejak/AP
Ohio Department of Health Director Amy Acton holds up a mask as she gives an update on the state's preparedness and education efforts to limit the potential spread of COVID-19 at MetroHealth Medical Centre in Cleveland.
Amy Acton is running for governor of Ohio this November as an outsider: a Democrat challenging 15 years of Republican gubernatorial rule, a medical doctor with no political experience, a “scrappy kid” from Youngstown who experienced homelessness as a child.
But over a three-month period in the spring of 2020, she became a household name across the state. Every night, Ohioans watched Acton, then the statewide health director, in a white lab coat, describing the state’s COVID-19 precautions and trying to calm the anxiety people felt at the start of a new pandemic. The New York Times called her “the leader we wish we all had.” CNN called her “the Buckeye state’s version of the straight-talking Dr. Anthony Fauci” — before Fauci became a polarizing figure.
Now Acton is mounting her first political campaign — a bid for governor in a former swing state that has trended redder and redder in recent elections. Acton, perhaps cognizant of the angst that followed pandemic shutdowns and mask mandates, is not making her COVID-era fame the focal point of her campaign.
In a statement to Jewish Insider, Acton said her campaign will focus on one of the most animating issues for voters and politicians alike right now: affordability.
“I’m running for governor because people in my state are struggling with rising costs. There’s no breathing room,” Acton, who would be Ohio’s first Jewish governor if elected, said. “I refuse to look the other way while special interests and bad actors try to take our state backwards on nearly every measure. Everywhere I go, Ohioans are ready for change.”
But before she can get to that, Acton has to thread a difficult needle in reminding voters who she is. In the spring of 2020, during the peak of the pandemic, it felt like she was in everyone’s living rooms. Acton told the state about her family’s virtual Seder that year as she urged religious communities to celebrate the holiday without congregating. (“My matzah ball soup is the best, just saying,” Acton said, noting she didn’t have time to make it that year.)
“The magic of Amy Acton on those press conferences was her authenticity and her compassion,” said Richard Stoff, the founder of Ohio Business Roundtable.
Acton worked with DeWine to make Ohio one of the first states to shut down mid-March 2020. The move earned widespread praise at the time but now puts her in a precarious position politically, as the public health measures that were implemented early in the pandemic have turned into partisan cudgels in the ensuing years.
“Right now, that’s not the lead thing in her bio,” said Stephen Mockabee, director of the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Cincinnati. “I think that the message that Acton will present is, ‘I’m a native Ohioan, and I love the state, that’s why I’m running, because I care about the state, and, you know, I have these experiences coming up from humble beginnings, through medical school in Ohio, working on behalf of the public in the public health capacity.’ I think that’s the story, not just referring specifically to COVID.”
“We saw the backlash to COVID, and how that could be a vulnerability for her. But what I’ve seen is it’s a strength. It is a foundation of trust that people have in her,” Ohio state Sen. Casey Weinstein told JI. “And if the worst attack against her from the other side is going to be that she fought for our health and fought to keep people out of the hospital and fought to keep us safe and was working hard to bring science and the absolute best she could to keep us and our families healthy, then okay, like, let’s have it.”
Indeed, Acton doesn’t lean into her turn as a pandemic celebrity in her messaging. Her campaign website describes her tough childhood in Youngstown, where she survived an abusive parent and homelessness, even living in a tent for a period. Her official biography tells of how she worked her way through college and medical school, kicking off a career in public health and advocacy. The only reference to COVID is carefully weighed: “When the pandemic hit, her steady leadership and voice for common sense not only saved countless lives but also helped Ohio’s economy and schools open earlier than other states,” Acton’s website declares.
Acton’s experience as Ohio health director showed her the personal cost of public life. Protesters regularly picketed her home in the Columbus suburb of Bexley. It was mostly people unhappy with pandemic-related restrictions, although the demonstrations also included a Proud Boys activist and a handful of antisemitic signs.
Ohio state Sen. Casey Weinstein, a Democrat whose district includes Akron, was also facing protesters in front of his family’s home as he spoke out against book bans. Acton reached out, and the two developed a friendship. A couple years ago, they reconnected at a Passover Seder hosted at the Ohio statehouse, and Weinstein has helped her campaign in the Cleveland area. (The two were also “celebrity bartenders” at a fundraiser for the Akron JCC last year.)
“We saw the backlash to COVID, and how that could be a vulnerability for her. But what I’ve seen is it’s a strength. It is a foundation of trust that people have in her,” Weinstein told JI. “And if the worst attack against her from the other side is going to be that she fought for our health and fought to keep people out of the hospital and fought to keep us safe and was working hard to bring science and the absolute best she could to keep us and our families healthy, then okay, like, let’s have it.”
Acton stepped down from the role in June 2020, three months into the pandemic. But it wasn’t due to the protests, she asserts. It was, as she told an interviewer last month, because she refused to go along with Republican lawmakers who wanted her to give permission to reopen some venues that had been shuttered due to pandemic restrictions.
“That she’s running I think takes a lot of guts on her part, because she was a face during COVID that people knew and recognized, and got a lot of negativity, I think unwarranted negativity, but about her role in trying to manage that crisis,” said Dan Birdsong, a political scientist at the University of Dayton.
“I could not put my name on orders that, frankly, would have killed people. I have a Hippocratic Oath as a doctor to do no harm,” she said. The campaign pitch is in the pivot that comes next — that she is still proud of leading the shutdown charge because it allowed the state to reopen schools and other spaces sooner.
“In Ohio, we flattened the curve. We saved a lot of lives, and we actually got back to work and life sooner because we took swift, decisive action,” she said. The key question — aside from whether any Democrat can, in 2026, be a viable statewide candidate in Ohio — is how the public will respond to the pandemic flashbacks that her campaign will inevitably spark.
“That she’s running I think takes a lot of guts on her part, because she was a face during COVID that people knew and recognized, and got a lot of negativity, I think unwarranted negativity, but about her role in trying to manage that crisis,” said Dan Birdsong, a political scientist at the University of Dayton.
The primary hasn’t taken place yet, but Acton and her general election opponent — Republican entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, who ran for president in 2024 — have each cleared the field in their respective parties. A December poll showed Acton leading Ramaswamy by one point, but experts cautioned that it is too soon to draw any conclusions.
Acton has not made her Jewish faith central to her campaign in the same way that Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro did during his 2022 campaign. But she has long been steeped in the Jewish community, serving on boards like the Columbus JCC, Columbus Jewish Day School and Congregation Beth Tikvah outside Columbus. “My Jewish roots in tikkun olam have been a guiding force throughout my career as a public servant and instilled in me the belief that everyone deserves the same chance to get ahead that I had,” Acton told JI.
Antisemitism has taken an unusual place in the race, aside from the anti-Jewish hate that Acton faced as health director six years ago. Ramaswamy, the son of Indian immigrants, published an op-ed in The New York Times last month calling out the racist, antisemitic “Groyper” movement — conservatives who consider themselves followers of the neo-Nazi influencer Nick Fuentes.
“Conservative leaders should condemn — without hedging — Groyper transgressions,” Ramaswamy wrote. “We must practice what we preach: My current Democrat opponent in Ohio is a Jewish woman, and while I criticize her policy record unsparingly, I will be her most vocal defender against antisemitic attacks from left or right.”
Ramaswamy struck up a dialogue with Jewish communal leaders in Ohio after the Republican presidential primary ended.
“He’s staked out a really powerful position opposing some of the antisemitism and the bigotry on the right wing of the Republican Party. He’s gotten hate because of that,” said Howie Beigelman, president and CEO of Ohio Jewish Communities, a statewide advocacy group. “I think that both of them have a personal connection to our community, in that sense, understanding what we’re going through and the fears we have.”
Acton is not running as an uber-progressive Democrat; she did, after all, get her start in politics working for a Republican governor. That moderate sensibility is likely to help her in Ohio.
She is also hoping to ride the coattails of former Sen. Sherrod Brown, the last Democrat to win statewide in Ohio, as he challenges Sen. John Husted (R-OH), who was appointed to the Senate last year. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) said this week that if Democrats hope to regain the Senate majority, they’ll need to win in Ohio — and Democrats will spend heavily to boost Brown.
“There are coattails there, and so making sure that she’s as strong as can be is really important,” said Jeff Rusnak, a Democratic strategist in Cleveland.
And whether COVID ultimately proves to be positive or negative for Acton, there’s no question her actions during that pandemic earned her some hardcore fans who will be trying to get her across the finish line. Acton’s neighbors in Bexley put signs in their yards that read, “DR. AMY ACTON FAN CLUB,” some of which remained well after the pandemic emergency ended. A local apparel company designed shirts in support of Acton that said “Not all heroes wear capes.”
“She had this following, and she still has this. I’ve been with her in public and witnessed this firsthand,” Rusnak said. “You could just be sitting at a coffee shop with her, having coffee, and people who she does not know will just walk up to her in tears and thank her, and want to hug her. It’s this very strange phenomenon.”
Given the dominant Democratic outcomes from the off-year elections, there’s been renewed attention to the possibility of some red-state upsets in 2026
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A panoramic view United States Capitol Building at Washington, DC, USA with American flag
Given the GOP’s sturdy 53-seat majority in the Senate, combined with the increasing rarity of split-ticket voters, the Republican Party’s hold on the upper chamber looked nearly guaranteed, with a map featuring very few true swing-state pickup opportunities for the Democrats.
Indeed, the unlikely pathway for Democrats to win back control of the Senate in 2026 runs through states that have been reliably Republican in recent years — Ohio, Iowa, Texas, Florida and Alaska. To win back a majority, the party would need to win at least two of these red-state races, reversing the yearslong Democratic drought in many of these states — along with winning GOP-held seats in battleground Maine and North Carolina, which is far from assured.
But given the dominant Democratic outcomes from the off-year elections, there’s been renewed attention to the possibility of some red-state upsets in 2026. Already, political strategists from both parties are mulling over which seats are the most likely to get competitive, in preparation for an unpredictable midterm election.
On paper, Ohio looks like it’s the best opportunity for Democrats to play offense. Former Sen. Sherrod Brown, a populist, battle-tested Democrat won three statewide elections in Ohio even as the state trended in a more conservative direction. He eventually lost in 2024 to Sen. Bernie Moreno (R-OH) by five points, but ran well ahead of Vice President Kamala Harris’ double-digit defeat in the state.
With the national environment tilting back in the Democrats’ favor, Brown is seeking a comeback against appointed Sen. Jon Husted (R-OH), Ohio’s former lieutenant governor. A recently released September poll of the race conducted by the respected Democratic firm Hart Research found Brown narrowly ahead over Husted, 48-45%. Among independents, Brown held a substantial 25-point lead (56-31%).
Of all the five “reach” states for Democrats, Ohio was the closest in the presidential race, with President Donald Trump winning by 11 points. That should make it the best opportunity for Democrats to win a third seat — even as it underscores how many Trump voters Democrats will need to convert in order to win.
Sen. Joni Ernst’s (R-IA) sudden retirement is turning Iowa into a possible opportunity for Democrats. The state was once reliably competitive, but has been a solidly Republican state in the age of Trump. But the state’s farming economy has taken a hit, in part because of the aftereffects from the president’s tariffs. That’s given Democrats a narrow opportunity to capitalize on growing voter dissatisfaction, especially with an open Senate seat in play.
Republicans have coalesced behind Rep. Ashley Hinson (R-IA), a well-liked lawmaker and former TV anchor from the northeastern corner of the state. Democrats, meanwhile, are dealing with a crowded primary, with Iowa state Rep. Josh Turek appearing to be the party favorite. The contested primary could push the eventual nominee to the left, which would be a major handicap in a state that’s now reliably conservative.
Texas hasn’t elected a Democrat to the Senate since 1988, making the Lone Star State an unlikely pickup opportunity. Democrats’ hopes center on scandal-plagued Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton winning the GOP nomination over Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) and Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-TX), and that Democrats nominate a moderate candidate who can win back the Hispanic voters who swung towards the Republicans in the last election.
Complicating the Democrats’ path: They’re dealing with a competitive primary themselves between former Rep. Colin Allred, who lost his Senate race in 2024, and state Rep. James Talarico, who has won attention for speaking to conservative audiences about his Christian faith.
If there’s a true sleeper race on the board, it’s in Alaska, a state whose Republican voting record belies its independent nature. Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-AK) doesn’t have any obvious vulnerabilities, but respected Alaska pollster Ivan Moore found former Democratic Rep. Mary Peltola leading Sullivan, 48-46%, in his October survey. But Peltola, who held the state’s at-large House seat from 2022-2024, is probably the only Democrat with the political standing who could put the Senate seat in play.
Finally, Florida used to be a perennial swing state but it’s gotten so Republican in recent years that Democrats don’t even look to be seriously challenging appointed Sen. Ashley Moody (R-FL). In a sign of how times have changed: Moody’s leading Democratic challenger appears to be a former Brevard County School Board member without much statewide name recognition.
Hamas member Majed al-Zeer said ‘the resistance’ is key to changing how the Western world views Israel
Paul Sancya/AP
Khalid Turaani, co-chair of the Abandon Biden campaign in Michigan, speaks at the Islamic Center of Detroit in Detroit, Friday, Jan. 26, 2024.
The executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations’ Ohio branch moderated an online event last week featuring a Hamas official designated as a terrorist by the Treasury Department, as well as other Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad members.
The Beirut-based think tank Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations hosted an event in Arabic last week titled “Palestinians Abroad and Regional International Strategic Transformations in Light of Operation Al-Aksa Flood,” using Hamas’ name for its Oct. 7, 2023, attacks on southern Israel.
Among the speakers at the web conference was Majed al-Zeer, who was designated by the Treasury Department in October 2024 as “the senior Hamas representative in Germany, who is also one of the senior Hamas members in Europe and has played a central role in the terrorist group’s European fundraising.”
Al-Zeer said that “the resistance” is key to maintaining the momentum of a “strategic shift” in how Europe and the world views the Palestinian issue.
Palestinian Islamic Jihad financier Sami al-Arian, a former University of South Florida computer science professor who was deported from the U.S. in 2015 due to his ties to the terrorist group, said on the same panel as Al-Zeer that “the overall Palestinian situation is much better strategically than it was before the flood [Oct. 7].”

CAIR-Ohio Director Khalid Turaani moderated one panel with commentary provided by Ziad el-Aloul, who is active in several Hamas-affiliated organizations in Europe, including the Popular Conference for Palestinians Abroad, which was designated a terrorist group by Israel in 2021 for its work on behalf of Hamas. More recently, PCPA was found to be involved in facilitating the Global Sumud Flotilla that attempted to sail to Gaza with climate activist Greta Thunberg on board.
Another speaker in the Turaani-led panel expressed hope that the Turkish army would deploy in Gaza and fight the IDF.
The CAIR-Ohio director’s participation in a conference with senior Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad figures came two months after Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AR) called for an IRS investigation into the organization and the revocation of its 501(c)(3) nonprofit status, citing alleged “ties to terrorist organizations like Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood.”
CAIR did not respond to a request for comment.
Plus, Hamas rejects Trump’s Gaza deal
BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP via Getty Images
US Senator Markwayne Mullin (R-OK) (L) and US Senator John Thune (R-SD) (R) listen as US President Donald Trump speaks during a dinner for Republican US Senators in the State Dining Room of the White House July 18, 2025, in Washington, DC.
Good Tuesday morning.
In today’s Daily Kickoff, we report on Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand’s comments that the Israel rhetoric employed by some Democratic officials has stoked antisemitism, and talk to former Obama speechwriter Sarah Hurwitz about her new book that focuses on Jewish identity. We have the scoop on a call from Sen. Bernie Moreno for Ohio universities to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s working definition of antisemitism, and report on a senior Hamas official’s rejection of the Trump administration’s ceasefire proposal. Also in today’s Daily Kickoff: Bruce Pearl, Ken Weinstein and Amb. Charles Kushner.
Today’s Daily Kickoff was curated by Jewish Insider Executive Editor Melissa Weiss and Israel Editor Tamara Zieve, with assists from Marc Rod and Danielle Cohen-Kanik. Have a tip? Email us here.
What We’re Watching
- Jeff Blau, Aby Rosen, Laurie Tisch and Gregg Hymowitz are convening a meeting of associates this morning to strategize over how to boost Andrew Cuomo in New York City’s mayoral election, as a new Siena/New York Times poll shows the former governor trailing Democratic nominee Zohran Mamdani by four points in a head-to-head matchup.
- In Virginia, voters in the 11th Congressional District head to the polls today to vote in the special election to succeed Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-VA), who died earlier this year. James Walkinshaw, who for years served as a top aide to Connolly, is the heavy favorite in today’s race.
- On Capitol Hill, the House Committee on Education & the Workforce’s HELP subcommittee is holding a hearing on “Unmasking Union Antisemitism.”
- Elsewhere in DC, the MEAD conference kicks off today, and the National Union for Democracy in Iran is holding its fourth annual Iran conference.
- The U.S. Embassy in Israel is hosting a belated Fourth of July celebration tonight in Jerusalem.
- The Hili Forum continues today in Abu Dhabi.
- And in Cairo, Rafael Grossi, the head of the U.N. nuclear watchdog, is slated to meet with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Aragchi for the first time since the 12-day war between Israel and Iran.
What You Should Know
A QUICK WORD WITH jI’S HALEY cohen and josh kraushaar
Over the weekend, The New York Times published a story contending that the momentum for settlements with elite universities was stalling amid divisions between those in the Trump administration looking to make a deal and those looking for more meaningful reforms in combating antisemitism.
The story glossed over the related development we’ve been hearing from officials involved in the negotiating process: that a zeal for dealmaking from some officials is overshadowing the main reason the Trump administration was playing hardball with these schools in the first place — the rampant antisemitism that has been festering on campus.
In fact, the word “antisemitism” was hardly mentioned in the lengthy Times story, a sign in itself of the administration’s flagging focus.
Indeed, many of the deals struck — along with the outlines of potential future deals — have focused on the dollar amounts in the settlement, without requiring many significant reforms that would deal with antisemitism at the elite schools.
WAR TALKS
Hamas official says disarmament not negotiable, rejects Trump’s Gaza ceasefire plan

A senior Hamas official publicly rejected any deal requiring the terrorist organization to lay down its arms, after Israel said it would support such a deal proposed by the Trump administration. In response to the Trump deal, Bassem Naim, a Turkey-based senior Hamas official, released a statement on his Telegram channel on Monday calling the proposal a “humiliating surrender document” and not a serious offer to end the war, Jewish Insider’s Lahav Harkov reports.
What he said: Naim told Middle East Monitor, a pro-Hamas, Qatar-funded site, that the terrorist group would agree to a long-term ceasefire and would release all of the hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners, but the Palestinians “right” to weapons and to fight Israel “cannot be relinquished.” He also said the terrorist group would only agree to a full IDF withdrawal from Gaza. The Trump administration’s deal, according to Israel’s Channel 12, would require Israel to stop its military operation in Gaza City and start a 60-day ceasefire. In the first 48 hours, Hamas would release all 48 remaining hostages, 20 of whom are believed to be alive, in exchange for hundreds of Palestinian prisoners. Then, the sides would negotiate the end to the war.













































































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