Suleiman Maswadeh, senior correspondent for Israel’s Channel 13, lays out in The Atlantic the math problem facing both Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the opposition ahead of the Oct. 27 election, with polls showing both blocs falling short of a 61-seat majority. “Most polls give the ‘change camp’ — shorthand for the anti-Netanyahu bloc, which stretches from the left to the nationalist right — no path to 61 without either the Haredi or the Arab parties. Its leaders face a choice: break a promise or risk failing to form a government, which would send Israel to yet another election. … Every major poll except those on Channel 14, the network that functions as Netanyahu’s house broadcaster, shows that his bloc cannot form a coalition either. … Netanyahu’s best scenario, Israeli analysts say, is a stalemate: No bloc reaches 61, and the country goes to another election. Netanyahu would then remain at the head of a caretaker government, in power without a new mandate.”

The Telegraph’s Con Coughlin posits that European inaction on Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia will lead to deeper problems for the continent in the longer term. “The West’s reluctance to provide the Saudis with tangible support is short-sighted, especially for the European leaders who need to understand that the Houthis’ decision to escalate their attacks against the kingdom is as much a problem for Europe as it is the Saudis themselves. … [U.K. Prime Minister Andy]  Burnham and his fellow European leaders need to understand that, by failing to confront foes who threaten their countries’ interests, they are demonstrating a level of weakness that their enemies will be only too eager to exploit.”

The Wall Street Journal’s Barton Swaim looks at the pressure Democrats are facing from their left to take an increasingly critical approach to Israel. “The choice that Democratic leaders seem increasingly inclined to make — aligning themselves with the international left on Israel — will offer short-term relief but create hellish problems that have nothing to do with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. The ‘anti-Zionist’ academics, activists, influencers and troublemakers Democrats wish to gather into a winning coalition despise democratic politics and loathe the whole idea of a coalition.”

In The Washington Post, Jim Geraghty warns of the rise of drone warfare targeting airports, following strikes on Saudi Arabia’s King Khalid International Airport over the weekend in which more than a dozen people were killed. “If you’re looking to terrorize people, a drone attack on a major international airport is an effective tool. … Of course, blowing up an airport terminal doesn’t weaken a target country militarily. But the Houthis and Iranians are less interested in that objective. They are convinced that enough civilian casualties will force opposing governments to say ‘uncle’ and agree to their terms.”

In The New York Times, Israeli pollster Dahlia Scheindlin looks at the popularity of Gadi Eisenkot, a former IDF chief of staff whose son was killed in the Israel-Hamas war, and the challenges he faces as he mounts a significant challenge to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. “Bereavement places Mr. Eisenkot in the same emotional world as other Israelis who have suffered loss or injury, and the many more who suffer with them collectively. Mr. Eisenkot symbolizes someone who understands. … Still, retired generals like Mr. Eisenkot are common in Israeli politics but usually make poor politicians. The former prime ministers Ariel Sharon and Yitzhak Rabin were prominent exceptions.”

In Israel Hayom, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy’s David Makovsky and former Ambassador Dennis Ross argue that the collapse of American public support for Israel should be a central issue in the Israeli election campaign. “Never has Israel been so isolated internationally. It is not an island or a superpower and, at a minimum, needs American partnership technologically, militarily, commercially, and politically. The enduring strength of the U.S.-Israel relationship has rested on Israel’s outreach to both parties. It has been a strategic mistake to focus on only the Republicans, especially now when younger Republicans share negative views of Israel and Israel is doing so poorly not just among Democrats but also Independents.”

In The Atlantic, Karim Sadjadpour considers the efforts Iran has gone to fight Israel — to the detriment of both the Iranian people and the Palestinians whom Tehran purports to support. “For three generations, the cause of destroying Israel has attracted the support of dictators, militias, and movements far more readily than the cause of building Palestine. Being anti-Israel is not the same as being pro-Palestine. Too often, it has been the opposite. … Iran has one of the few governments in the world whose aspiration to abolish another state has eclipsed its ambition for its own country.”

In The Wall Street Journal, Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Dalal Wahba argues that New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is testing the limits of a mayor’s authority by inserting City Hall into U.S. foreign policy. “New York is an international city. It’s home to the U.N., foreign consulates and missions, global financial institutions and millions of people with ties to countries worldwide. The city’s interests give its mayor plenty of reasons to engage globally. He can court foreign investment, maintain sister-city relationships and promote tourism. He can build economic and cultural relationships abroad, host international institutions and connect their residents to the wider world. But there’s a difference between engaging with the world and conducting foreign policy.”

The Atlantic’s Jonathan Chait does a deep dive into the ideology of antisemitic streamer Hasan Piker. “Alongside his pro-Marxist-Leninist principles, the second pillar of Piker’s worldview is anti-Zionism. This does not distinguish him from other progressives. What does distinguish him is his belief that American Jews who do not share his position deserve punishment. … There is little reason to trust his current self-presentation as a mere Twitch streamer who is too obscure to merit discussion. He sees himself as a representative voice of a movement that can take control of a major party, and then the country itself.”

The New Yorker’s Sudarsan Raghavan looks at the impact of the popular air-disaster show “Air Crash Investigation,” which FlyDubai FZ1073 passenger Yaniv Hayoun said had helped him stabilize the plane during a hijacking attempt in late September. “Last month, during a production meeting for the Canadian documentary television series ‘Air Crash Investigation,’ cellphones started to buzz with text messages and e-mails. … ‘We were all just looking at each other, sort of thinking, ‘“Can you believe what’s happening here?”’ Alex Bystram, the show’s executive producer, who was at the production meeting, told me. ‘The guy who helped save this plane says he learned to do it from watching our show.’”

In The Free Press, Ashley Rindsberg reports on an exodus of Jewish families from San Francisco University High School, an elite private school where parents say antisemitism went unchecked after the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks on Israel. “The school also prides itself on a culture that it says prioritizes safe spaces, curiosity, and tolerance. ‘We remember that while we may have different backgrounds and experience things differently, we share a common goal of knowing and understanding more,’ says one of UHS’s seven ‘community agreements.’ Those stated commitments made it even more shocking that the school not only enabled but fostered an environment where hostility against Jewish students was accepted and even encouraged, parents and students said. The incidents they describe are not subtle.”