Shallal offered the drink for free to those who were willing to film a promotional video saying the anti-Israel slogan
Pablo Martinez Monsivais
A man plays an arcade game titled, "Operation Epic Freedom Strait to Hell," outside Busboys and Poets Restaurant in the U Street neighborhood of Washington, Friday, May 15, 2026.
Andy Shallal, the founder and CEO of the restaurant and bookstore chain Busboys and Poets, has spent two decades building the Washington-area chain into a hub for progressive politics and anti-Israel advocacy.
Now, that activism is literally on the menu.
The chain’s newest drink is a $14 cocktail called “Free Palestine,” which is made of Tito’s vodka and watermelon, and was offered for free earlier this month to the first 100 customers who filmed and posted a promotional video of themselves saying the slogan.
The drink launch follows a series of events that the restaurant has hosted featuring speakers hostile to Israel, even as Shallal says he has spent decades promoting dialogue between Arabs and Jews. The restaurant’s 2024 Palestine Week event series featured Linda Sarsour, a controversial Palestinian activist with a history of antisemitic and anti-Israel stances.
Busboys and Poets operates eight locations throughout the Washington metropolitan area. Its 14th Street location has a mural painted on the wall showing a group of left-wing leaders and activists sitting at a table together; one of the legs of the table has the words “Long Live the Intifada” painted on top of it, and another says “From the River to the Sea, free Palestine.”
Jewish patrons say the new drink signals the latest shift that makes them feel unwelcome in the restaurant. The slogan “Free Palestine” carries particular weight in the Washington area, where federal prosecutors allege the man accused of killing Israeli Embassy staffers Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim outside the Capital Jewish Museum in May 2025 shouted the phrase after the shooting.
“That is not simply putting a political message on a menu,” Jacob Silver, a local political commentator writing for a Montgomery County Republican club blog, wrote. “It is a script. It is a social-media campaign. And in Washington, of all places, Busboys and Poets should understand why some Jewish customers are going to find it deeply offensive.”
Shallal, the Iraqi American owner, defended the “Free Palestine” cocktail in a Facebook post, publishing a letter from a longtime customer who asked him to remove the drink and said she would stop dining there.
The customer wrote that she associates the slogan with violence and efforts to destroy Israel, said she sees rising harassment of Jews as tied to the “Free Palestine” movement and called the “discrimination against a minority” inconsistent with the inclusive values she believed the restaurant intends to represent.
In his reply, Shallal said the name was meant as a gesture of solidarity with Palestinians, comparing it to the Black Lives Matter movement and arguing that highlighting one group’s suffering does not diminish another’s. He said he did not intend to alienate neighbors and pointed to his history of Arab-Jewish dialogue work, including co-founding the Peace Cafe with a Jewish colleague.
Shallal also described being treated in a demeaning way at checkpoints and at the airport during two trips to Israel and the West Bank, saying he was pulled aside and had his camera confiscated.
He did not specifically address the customer’s request to remove the drink from the menu.
Meanwhile, Senate Democrats framed the escalating Houthi offensive as more fallout from the Iran war
(Mohammed HUWAIS / AFP via Getty Images)
Fighters loyal to the Houthi authorities, shouts slogans during a rally to recruit more fighters, in Sanaa on September 10, 2026.
Senators returning to Washington on Monday offered mixed responses to the recent Houthi offensive inside Yemen and Saudi Arabia, with some Republicans telling Jewish Insider that the Iran-backed terror group’s moves warranted a response, while some Democrats framed the Houthi attacks as further fallout from the U.S. war against Iran.
The Iran-backed Yemeni terrorist group seized control of key port cities along the Red Sea coast, near the vital Bab el-Mandeb Strait, as well as Perim Island inside the waterway and the Hanish archipelago to the north. Drones fired from Iraq also struck and disabled a critical Saudi oil pipeline that the country had been using to bypass the Strait of Hormuz. The U.S. has thus far declined to intervene.
Republicans who spoke to Jewish Insider said they had not been fully briefed on the situation since returning to Washington on Monday after being away for the Senate’s extended August recess. Still, they said a forceful response from the Saudis was warranted.
“Everybody ought to work together to destroy the Houthis,” Sen. Rick Scott (R-FL) said. “It’s not just the Trump administration, the Saudis have resources. They need to use all their resources to destroy them. You can’t play games here. You’ve got to destroy them.”
Asked if the U.S. should take action against the terror organization, Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA) said, “I think we need to do just what we’re doing right now. We need to crank the sanctions up as high as we can and continue the blockade. The Saudis can do something. They have an army. They have weapons.”
“If I were the Saudis, I’d hit them back,” the Louisiana senator added.
Sen. Mike Rounds (R-SD) told JI that he did not know “what the administration’s plans are” as far as how the U.S. will approach the Houthis after this latest series of attacks, though he emphasized that it was imperative to find a resolution that “contained” the Houthis as quickly as possible.
“Look, it’s a very dangerous neighborhood down there right now. The Houthis have been causing some real problems, not just for Saudi Arabia but for trade throughout the rest of the world,” Rounds said. “The sooner we get that resolved down there and get them contained once again, the better off we’re all going to be.”
“There needs to be a response to any adverse action that they take, in my view — and an amplified response,” Sen. Bill Hagerty (R-TN) told JI.
Democrats generally framed the Houthi offensive as an extension and expansion of the Iran war.
“This war is metastasizing out of control,” Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) said, referring to the conflict with Iran. “Whatever support for it there may have been when it was confined to a certain geographic area, it was done without a strategic plan, without realistic objectives, without a clear understanding of the enemy, and now it is metastasizing with the costs potentially looming larger than ever.”
Sen. Tim Kaine (D-VA) suggested that the Houthis would likely de-escalate if the U.S. de-escalated, similar to how the group wound down attacks on Red Sea shipping during ceasefires in Gaza.
“It is a very predictable consequence of the Iran war, which we never should have gone into,” Kaine said. “The ties between the Iranians and the Houthis are very well-known. When the pace of U.S. activity in the region abates, the Houthis tend to abate. … They’ve been threatening to do this, and so the right thing to do is to find a ceasefire and stop the war in Iran.”
Chen — father of Itay Chen, whose body was held by Hamas for more than two years — is continuing to advocate to ensure that American victims of Oct. 7 are remembered, and that his son’s ‘sacrifice was not in vain’
JIM WATSON/AFP via Getty Images
Hagit and Ruby Chen, parents of Itay Chen, attend a US House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia roundtable with family members of individuals being held hostage by Hamas, on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, on November 29, 2023.
LAS VEGAS — In November 2025, Itay Chen’s remains were returned to his family, more than two years after he was killed in his tank during the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel, during which terrorists took Chen’s remains to Gaza. Chen was the last American held hostage by the terrorist group to be released.
His father, Ruby Chen, spent those two years flying to Washington and around the world advocating for his son’s freedom. But even though his son has been laid to rest, Chen’s fight isn’t over. Now, he’s working to ensure that the American victims of Oct. 7 are remembered, that his son’s “sacrifice was not in vain” and to ensure that other families don’t have to go through the same pain, Chen told Jewish Insider on the sidelines of the Republican Jewish Coalition conference last week in Las Vegas.
Chen said that he sees his continuing advocacy, through meetings with lawmakers, administration officials and others, as part of his “rehabilitation” to help him cope with the loss of his son. “At least that’s what helps me get out of bed,” Chen said.
Chen is working to elevate the memory of the 46 American citizens killed on and after Oct. 7 while being held by Hamas — emphasizing that many in the American public at large and even the Jewish community are ill-aware of them — pushing for a State Department-backed memorial event in Washington next month alongside other families of the bereaved.
He said he’s in touch with senior members of the administration about the memorial event, who have been supportive, and he’s “positively optimistic” that it will come to fruition.
On Capitol Hill, Chen is pushing for an investigative committee to probe the Oct. 7 attacks, with a focus on the American casualties and how Hamas’ preparations went unnoticed — particularly in light of the Israeli government’s failure to launch its own investigation.
He said that the pre-midterm election season is a difficult time for such conversations, but that there are lawmakers on both sides of the aisle willing to consider the prospect. “I think that people recognize that we deserve some basic answers,” Chen said.
Such a committee, he added, could also help provide ongoing support and monitoring for the families of the bereaved, in the same way that Congress did for the families of victims of the 9/11 attacks.
Chen is pushing for further sanctions on Hamas, Iran and its proxies by both the U.S. and European countries, offering strong criticism for what he said was the Biden administration’s failure to adequately utilize sanctions, as well as difficulties in bringing European allies along, particularly as a result of EU bureaucracy and opposition from some EU member states.
Chen highlighted Turkey’s role as a financial hub for Hamas and other Iranian proxies. “For the love of God, I do not understand why the president, [who] is so close to Turkey and [its president, Recep Tayyip] Erdoğan, is not demanding” that terrorist-linked bank accounts in Turkey are not shut down, Chen said.
“There are always other interests that are on the table, and things get compromised,” he continued. “It’s unfortunate, but that is the case.”
Chen also is pursuing civil penalties against individuals who have backed and facilitated Hamas’ activities in U.S. courts, with open suits against Palestinian American businessman Bashar Masri, accused of working with Hamas, and the cryptocurrency platform Binance, whose CEO was pardoned by President Donald Trump for other crimes last year.
He urged the Department of Justice to take a more active role and provide evidence that can bolster those cases, explaining that then-Attorney General Pam Bondi had seemed supportive at the start of the administration and launched an interagency task force focused on Oct. 7, but that there have yet to be any results from that task force.
Additionally, Chen is pushing to resume normalization efforts between Israel and its Arab neighbors, arguing that Trump “could definitely realign the Middle East for decades ahead” given his singular “political capital” in the region.
Chen offered praise for the U.S. negotiating team, including White House Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner. Chen said that he first connected with Kushner in January 2024, a year before Trump took office, when Kushner began to educate him on Middle East political dynamics.
He said his family and Witkoff had connected over Witkoff’s loss of his own son. In their first conversation, they explained to Witkoff that, while he was able to visit his son’s grave, the Chens had nowhere they could go to honor Itay as long as he remained in Gaza.
Though he offered criticisms of the Biden administration and its handling of Middle East policy in general, Chen said that he and the other hostage families built a “unique relationship” with senior administration officials including former National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and CIA Director Bill Burns, who he said they could trust to be honest and comprehensive with them.
That relationship continued with Trump administration officials once they took office.
Meanwhile, Chen was deeply critical of the Israeli government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and said the other hostage families often struggled to get straight answers from Israeli leaders.
He blasted former Israeli Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, who spoke at the RJC conference hours before Chen sat down with JI.
“I did not hear an individual that showed any type of remorse or accountability, but actually he looked at it as a win by stating, ‘Oh, we had all the hostages out,’” Chen said of Dermer’s remarks. “You don’t get points when 45 hostages were killed in captivity.”
He accused Dermer and other Israeli officials of trying to hide their own missteps, and emphasized that Dermer “has no accountability and no responsibility” and “was never elected by anyone,” yet rose to a top position in the Israeli government with significant influence over the U.S.-Israel relationship.
Dermer’s appearance came around the two-year anniversary of the day that Hamas executed six hostages in a tunnel in Rafah, including American Hersh Goldberg-Polin, and Chen criticized him for not making any mention of that grim milestone.
Chen argued that it would be a positive step for Israel to elect a new leader in its upcoming elections, to provide an opportunity for “unity” and a “new chapter,” arguing that Netanyahu should step aside as Prime Minister Golda Meir did after the Yom Kippur War.
“After Oct. 7, the thing that was most needed for the people of Israel was a leader that could provide unity,” he said. “It’s very unfortunate because Netanyahu is a very unique individual that has done a lot of great things, but he is not capable of uniting the people and the polarization in the State of Israel is no less than it was before Oct. 7.”
He said that Meir, in her time, “understood that she couldn’t be part of the solution going forward. That the new chapter that needed to begin … so she stepped down and allowed the next generation of leaders to come about. I think that’s what the majority of the people in Israel wish to see as well.”
Chen characterized Netanyahu as “incapable” of thinking or planning in the long-term, something that is necessary at the current “inflection point” in the Middle East.
“The president has done a fabulous job in creating that political capital,” Chen said. “The opponents of the State of Israel and the United States [are] at the weakest level. Now is the time to cement that with a political structure that would enable a new chapter to begin for Israel and its neighbors, but also for the benefit of the United States and its economy. “
Chen urged the U.S. administration to “place its bets” and prepare for a scenario in which a new government is elected in Israel, arguing that that could provide an opening for normalization and progress in regional integration.
“I hope that there are some good people in the White House that are thinking about that scenario,” he said.
The group was joined by Jared Kushner, VP Vance and Rep. Mike Lawler
Abraham McNatt
President Donald Trump meets with Hasidic rabbis in the Oval Office on Sept. 3, 2026.
President Donald Trump met with several Hasidic rabbis at the White House on Thursday ahead of Rosh Hashanah, a gathering his office called the first of its kind in nearly 50 years.
The rabbis, many of whom were pictured in photos that circulated on social media ahead of the meeting flying to Washington on private jets, hailed from a range of leading Hasidic communities in New York — including the two rival Satmar sects in Brooklyn and Kiryas Joel; the Bobov sect in Brooklyn; the Vizhnitz sect in Monsey; and the Skver sect in New Square.
The 85-year-old Skver rebbe, David Twersky, whose endorsements in congressional races have long been highly coveted, sent one of his sons to the meeting in his place. Rabbi Malkiel Kotler, dean of Beth Medrash Govoha in Lakewood, N.J., the largest yeshiva in the United States, also joined.
The meeting, according to sources, was attended by Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law and key outside advisor, who is Jewish; Vice President JD Vance; and Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY), who is among the most vulnerable House Republicans running this cycle. The congressman — whose district includes the Hasidic village of New Square — has depended on the politically powerful Skver endorsement in past races.
Vance paid a visit to the Roosevelt Room during the gathering, according to two sources familiar with the matter granted anonymity because they had not been authorized to discuss the private reception. He joked to the attendees that the “Hasidim are the only ones who have larger families than him,” the sources told Jewish Insider afterward.
A spokesperson for Vance, who welcomed his fourth child in July, did not dispute that account but told JI it might have been “a joke one of the rabbis made to” the vice president.
Beforehand, sources familiar with the meeting framed it as a chance for Trump to convey Rosh Hashanah greetings ahead of the Jewish new year marking the beginning of the High Holy Days next week — in a demonstration of mutual respect for a community whose rank and file have shown strong support for his campaigns.
But some more substantive issues were also raised, according to the sources, including topics like “large families” as well as housing concerns, prison reform and “expanding earned income tax credits” for those with more than three children.
One source who attended the meeting also said that Trump, for his part, talked “about pardoning Jewish prisoners” including Sholom Rubashkin — the kosher meatpacking executive convicted of financial fraud in 2009. His 27-year prison sentence was commuted by Trump in 2017.
The president also spoke privately with Rabbi Aaron Teitelbaum, the Satmar leader in Kiryas Joel, another person informed of their exclusive discussion told JI.
A White House official told JI the president and top administration officials “met with the leading Hasidic Rabbis in the United States,” saying it was the first of such gatherings “at the White House since 1979.”
The Hasidic leaders “thanked the president for all he had done in combatting antisemitism, advocating for school choice with the middle-class tax credit and for fighting for peoples of faith,” the White House official added.
In recognition of Rosh Hashanah, the delegation of rabbis “said blessings to the president, and thanked the entire administration for all they had done for all Americans,” according to the official.
The meeting had faced some resistance from a few far-right Trump allies over its inclusion of the Satmar community, an anti-Zionist Hasidic sect that believes only the messiah is supposed to bring about a Jewish state.
But the Trump administration indicated that it was unmoved by such protestations, proceeding with the scheduled meeting on Thursday.
Broadly speaking, the rabbis who joined the meeting “focused on issues important to the community,” one source said of the visit. “It mostly went as planned.”
Students said they were buoyed by the response they received during their advocacy meetings, including with staff for House Speaker Mike Johnson
The Jewish Grad Org
For 40 Jewish graduate students gathered on Capitol Hill on Monday, the trip to Washington was not simply an exercise in advocacy. Many arrived carrying stories from campuses where they had felt increasingly isolated, targeted or ignored — and left with a desire to do something about it.
The students gathered for the Jewish Grad Organization’s Partners Summit, sponsored by Adam Miller and Family, and met with congressional offices throughout the day to advocate for the Jewish American Security Act, a bipartisan bill designed to strengthen security on university campuses, among other efforts to combat antisemitism across American society. They also discussed campus codes of conduct and equal protection, and shared their personal experiences with antisemitism.
For Rachel Applefield, the stakes of the legislation were deeply personal.
Applefield, a second-year student at Indiana University Maurer School of Law and president of the school’s Jewish Law Student Association, grew up in West Bloomfield, Mich. She is a member of Temple Israel, where an attacker drove a truck into the synagogue’s early childhood center in March. That attack underscored for her the vital need for robust Jewish security—and reinforced her belief that college campuses require similar resources to protect students.
“It’s been very, very difficult and very personal,” Applefield told Jewish Insider. “I’m sure it’s personal for everyone, but it’s very personal for me, this Jewish American Security Act.”
Applefield said the security resources at Temple Israel helped prevent the attack from becoming deadly.
“My temple is so blessed and lucky to have had all of the resources to prevent anything bad from happening,” she said. “Obviously, it was an awful event, what happened, but what went right went right. Like, everything that was supposed to correctly happen happened.”
“All of the security that was in place really saved lives,” she continued, “and you don’t see that level of security, those resources, on college campuses.”
Applefield shared her experience during meetings with staff for House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) and Rep. Mike Quigley (D-IL), as well as with Rep. Gabe Amo (D-RI).
She said her meeting with Amo was particularly meaningful because her rabbi had met the lawmaker following the Temple Israel attack. Applefield noted that the connection helped make the conversation feel less like a routine congressional meeting and more like an opportunity to have someone in Washington understand what she had been through.
“My rabbi actually came down to D.C. a few months ago, right after the incident at our temple happened, and she met with him, so he knew exactly what I was talking about, and he was very empathetic, and I really connected with him,” she said. “I felt like I could tell he really cared.”
Applefield’s experiences with campus antisemitism have extended beyond concerns about physical security. She was president of Indiana University’s Hillel during the aftermath of the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas terror attacks and later wrote an article for the Herald-Times about antisemitism and pro-Hamas graffiti on campus. A professor responded by publishing a piece attacking her.
“He called me heartless and just really took my name and made a story out of something I didn’t really talk about,” she said. “It’s just very scary, that power dynamic. Just knowing that a professor would do that to a student is just — it’s so inappropriate and scary.”
Applefield said she had entered law school unsure whether she would find much of a Jewish community. However, she said the summit gave her and the other students a national network of peers and leadership training. More importantly, Applefield said, it offered a form of support that she said students do not always receive from their universities.
“Just knowing that there’s that external support that we might not be getting from the university, knowing that this kind of organization exists is just so important,” she said.
Cassandra White, a third-year law student at Suffolk University Law School in Boston, came to Washington with a similar personal experience of antisemitism in an academic setting.
During her second year of law school, while serving as president of her school’s Jewish Law Students Association, White encountered what she described as antisemitic tropes in a legal writing final that she said was worth roughly 60% to 70% of her grade. One of the exam questions, she said, centered on a Jewish woman confiding in her rabbi about a money embezzlement scheme, with characters given names such as David and Rachel.
“It’s not this crazy encampment story where somebody gets physically assaulted or anything along those lines,” White told JI. “But it just shows that antisemitism really can be quite subtle and can also present itself in the content that we’re receiving as students in the graduate and in the undergraduate level as well.”
White said that while the incident was not as obvious as others that made headlines in the aftermath of Oct. 7, it was precisely what made it significant to her: antisemitism could be embedded in an ordinary academic exercise.
“Jews and stereotypically Jewish names and money embezzlement … it was very insensitive, and a lot of first-year students, Jewish students, were quite put off by that,” White said.
She turned to JGO, which connected her with an attorney who helped her navigate how to respond. The group also helped bring the Anti-Defamation League to campus for a training meant to prevent similar incidents.
“I actually went to JGO for assistance, and they put me in contact with an attorney,” White said. “She walked me through the entire process, and they actually ended up having the ADL come do a training at my school in order to mitigate this sort of thing happening again.”
“For any other minority group, this would not be considered acceptable,” she continued. “So why are Jews the exception?”
That question followed White to Capitol Hill, where she joined Applefield – her roommate for the overnight program – and the other Jewish graduate students in urging lawmakers to take campus antisemitism more seriously. Over the course of the day, she met with staff from the offices of Reps. Laura Friedman (D-CA), John McGuire (R-VA) and Suzanne Bonamici (D-OR).
“Overall, I would say my experience was absolutely incredible,” she said. “It was sort of like a roundtable discussion where all of the students shared their experiences, and we advocated in favor of them co-signing the Jewish American Security Act, drawing off of our own personal anecdotes and stories, experiencing antisemitism on campus or online.”
White said the meetings “felt extremely successful,” with aides engaging substantively with the students’ concerns.
“I do think it was very impactful,” she said. “The staff were actively taking notes, and it was also a great experience for us. I think as graduate students, I’ve never really been in that sort of advocacy position, you know, on Capitol Hill, talking to representatives and their staff. So I really enjoyed it a lot. I would definitely do it again.”
The program on Capitol Hill culminated in a congressional dinner, hosted by Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL), where Rep. Greg Landsman (D-OH) spoke candidly to the students about navigating antisemitism and the broader turbulence of the moment.
Landsman told the group that the frustration, isolation and anger many of them feel is not only real – but reasonable.
“This is a hard time. There’s no question that this is a very difficult time,” he said. “So it’s understandable if you’re frustrated or you feel isolated or you get angry. It’s all understandable considering how hard it is. It’s not you — it’s the moment.”
But he urged them not to assume they are facing it alone.
“You’re not alone,” Landsman said. “There’s this huge community that you’re a part of, and that is a really important thing you’ve just got to remember, because it feels so isolating.”
Landsman also pushed back against the notion that “everyone” on campus opposes pro-Israel or visibly Jewish students, arguing that the loudest voices often distort reality.
“There are a lot more folks out there that are curious but don’t want to get in the middle of all this because it seems so complicated and awful,” he said. “They’re curious, and it’s worth having those conversations and reaching out. It feels like everyone is against us because the folks who are so loud are very much in our faces. But they still represent a very small number of your classmates.”
To illustrate his personal connection to the challenges students face, Landsman described an incident in which his son, who is a freshman in high school, was recently confronted by a peer for his father’s political positions, pro-Israel advocacy, and being Jewish.
“He’s a freshman, and he went to the high school football game on Friday night, and a girl came up to him and got in his face about me and Israel and being Jewish, it was actually quite excessive,” Landsman said. “And I felt bad for him because he didn’t ask for this. I certainly stepped out for some leadership role — he didn’t. He wasn’t feeling bad about it, you know, it was more just that this is part of life now.”
What struck him, he told the students, was how his son chose to respond.
“I asked him how he handled it,” Landsman recalled. “He said, ‘I was very kind, very nice. I told her, “That’s not true,” [in response to her claims about Israel] and then I helped her.’ He was very generous with her.”
“There is something very Jewish about responding with kindness and generosity,” he continued. “We don’t use the word ‘grace,’ but that is a word in the religious community — to give that kind of kindness. In the end, it’ll make you feel better, and it’s just a better strategy.”
That sense of isolation from peers extends beyond campus life. Asked how Jewish Americans who feel alienated from the Democratic Party should navigate a growing sense of political homelessness, Landsman offered a direct answer: “Stay” in the party.
“There are a set of values that made you believe that you were a Democrat. Those values still exist. Don’t let anyone take that away from you,” Landsman said. “Just because somebody else showed up doesn’t mean you have to leave. If that’s where you’re supposed to be, don’t leave. Stay.”
Landsman cautioned the students that campus antisemitism “isn’t going to get solved overnight.”
“You’re in this for the long haul,” he said. “Do as much as you can, but don’t beat yourself up or expect things that no one person can do. We’re all doing our best, and we make as much progress as we can every day.”
For the students, the summit offered a chance to turn painful and often isolating experiences on their campuses into conversations with lawmakers — while also connecting them with other young Jewish leaders confronting many of the same issues.
White said the experience may also have reshaped what she plans to do after law school.
“I had never ever considered lobbying as a potential career path until yesterday,” White said. “I absolutely adored the advocacy program that we did with the representatives on Capitol Hill, it just spoke to me. I felt really in my element. I enjoyed it so deeply, and it was so satisfying to be able to speak my truth.”
“So it definitely has changed my potential career track, if you can believe it,” she continued. “I’m still going to graduate from law school, don’t worry … But I am genuinely and very strongly considering potentially lobbying as a post-law school career after yesterday because of just how enjoyable it was.”
Meanwhile, Applefield said she left the summit feeling more hopeful because of the support she received from Jewish peers and members of Congress and their staff. She said the meetings made her feel the issue was finally on the radar in Washington.
“I definitely have hope, just from feeling so supported throughout the two days, knowing that this is on the minds of congressmen, especially the speaker of the House,” Applefield said.
“I was very upset to hear what everyone was going through, because we’ve all experienced it, you know,” she continued. “But I do feel empowered in a way — how JGO brought us all together, gave us this training, gave us the opportunity to share our stories — and I really do hope that with the past few days we can continue the conversation.”
The Maryland Democrat campaigned alongside Abdul El-Sayed this week, while withholding criticism of antisemitic streamer Hasan Piker
Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images
Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-MD) speaks during the House Administration Committee hearing on June 10, 2026.
For years, Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-MD) has been viewed by his Jewish constituents as an ally in fighting antisemitism and as generally supportive of Israel, despite his deep disagreements with the Netanyahu government and current U.S. policy in the Middle East.
The congressman has maintained a good relationship with many of the Jewish constituents in his suburban Washington district with the largest share of Jewish voters in Maryland, even as he’s backed numerous measures restricting U.S. aid to Israel, which has drawn backlash from prominent Jewish community figures.
But a recent broadside against the Trump administration’s investigations into antisemitism, in which Raskin cited whistleblower reports to describe the investigations into Harvard, Brown and Columbia universities as fabricated and predetermined, is generating new tensions with some community members.
Raskin also spent Wednesday on the campaign trail boosting Michigan Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed, whose virulent anti-Israel views and associations with an antisemitic streamer have made him persona non grata throughout much of Michigan’s Jewish community.
Rabbi Stuart Weinblatt, the CEO of the Zionist Rabbinic Coalition who leads a synagogue in Raskin’s district, said that the letter from Raskin regarding his investigation into the campus antisemitism efforts was “disappointing” in light of the extent of intimidation targeting Jewish students on campus. Weinblatt said he saw the administration’s policies as a good-faith effort to support Jewish students and disrupt those who have isolated and harassed them.
He said he’s concerned that Raskin’s letter could undermine both the federal tools to protect students as well as lead some people to believe that the problem of campus antisemitism was overstated.
“We have an administration that wants to try to do something, to help protect and defend Jewish students, to help to make them feel safer and more secure,” Weinblatt said. “It would be unfortunate and tragic to be limiting their ability to be able to do that.”
He said that, if Raskin believes — as he said he does — that campus antisemitism is a serious problem to be addressed, he should articulate how that should be done in lieu of the Trump administration-led probes.
“Congressman Raskin has a history of being committed to pursuing issues related to justice and fairness, and so I think it’s unfortunate that he — as a member of Congress who is identifiably Jewish — is taking this action, because I think many Jews are concerned about the environment on college campuses and would look to our Jewish members of Congress to help,” Weinblatt continued.
But, he acknowledged, any action should be taken in a way that is legal, appropriate and measured, and should be done in accordance with the applicable laws.
Some federal courts have also raised objections to the administration’s efforts, finding that the funding cuts targeting Harvard were unconstitutional and that the administration had overstated its case against the university.
In a lengthy statement to Jewish Insider, Raskin emphasized that antisemitism on campus is a real problem that schools must address. But he said that the government levying unjustified penalties helps no one.
“Universities have a duty, under federal law, to prevent and address harassment and discrimination on their campuses and they should be held to account if and when they fail to do so,” Raskin said. “But when the government ignores the actual facts found by its investigators and resorts instead to levying major financial penalties on our universities despite the facts and the law, everyone loses, especially the actual victims of antisemitism and racism.”
He said that the government cannot legally penalize chosen targets without or in spite of an investigation “no matter how just may be its stated cause.”
“Throughout history, Jews have often suffered as the designated scapegoats of these perverted forms of justice,” he continued.
The Washington Jewish Week called Raskin’s efforts wrongheaded, arguing in an editorial published Thursday that the congressman is “making a mistake” by focusing on re-investigating the investigations, rather than trying to address the antisemitism itself.
“Raskin instead describes the administration’s investigations as ‘fake,’ a ‘pre-baked frame-up operation’ and a ‘sham,’” the editorial continues. “Those are sweeping conclusions to announce before conducting an investigation supposedly intended to determine what happened. … The House Judiciary Committee should be strengthening [the civil rights investigatory] system, not conducting another round of political theater about who weaponized government first.”
The editorial argues that Raskin should be putting his energy toward “showing America how to address [campus antisemitism] properly.”
Raskin previously criticized the administration’s efforts to shutter parts of the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, a move he said endangered efforts to fight antisemitism, among other forms of discrimination.
Raskin, citing the whistleblower testimony, said in his statement to JI that the administration had “used fabricated and disproven claims of antisemitic discrimination as a cudgel, even in cases where the targeted school’s own Jewish students, faculty, and rabbis applauded and praised the university’s positive and proactive responses to incidents of antisemitism or intolerance” and “ignored Jewish voices and the on-the-ground facts found by investigators.”
He said that in doing so, the administration, rather than his probe, undermined legitimate efforts to combat antisemitism and sent a public message that the problem of campus antisemitism is not a real one.
“If we lose public confidence in the integrity of government investigations and the government’s respect for the facts, we will lose the effectiveness of our anti-discrimination laws,” Raskin said. “This is why everyone, but especially the actual victims of antisemitism and racism, have every reason to stand by the rule of law and the central importance it places on actual facts rather than allegations and suppositions.”
Ron Halber, the CEO of the Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Washington, took a more sympathetic view of Raskin’s efforts, even while underscoring that colleges and universities have failed to protect Jewish and pro-Israel students and that he’s glad that they are being investigated and held accountable.
But he also expressed concerns about some of the penalties the Trump administration imposed, particularly stripping funding from the schools, and said that if Raskin has evidence that the cases were pre-determined, those issues should be investigated.
“If there are cases where nothing was found and the universities were punished, first of all, it’s illegal, it’s unethical and Jews do not want antisemitism being used as a weapon to further other political goals. We want open, objective investigations,” Halber said. “If a university did not act properly and protect their Jewish students, we want them to be held accountable and punished accordingly.”
He said that if some of the investigations do prove to have been faulty, that would also cast doubt on other investigations that may have found more credible evidence. “It doesn’t help us get to the bottom of [the campus anti-Israel protests and administration responses] if the investigations themselves are flawed.”
Kenneth Marcus, the CEO of the Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, which has represented Jewish students in legal action against various colleges and universities, dismissed the Raskin letter as the result of a disgruntled former Department of Justice employee, who filed a whistleblower complaint because she did not align with the administration’s efforts to combat antisemitism.
“It is no secret that the career ranks of the Justice Department contains some long-time employees who do not share the current administration’s values or priorities. The federal government has a legal obligation to enforce Title VI to protect Jewish students as vigorously as it does with other groups,” Marcus said. “After years of paying insufficient attention to anti-Semitism, it is a welcome relief that the Justice Department has finally made it a priority.”
He argued that the administration’s investigations were evidently necessary, as well as overdue.
“No one can deny the seriousness of the problem at institutions like Harvard and Columbia. The question isn’t so much why this administration has responded forcefully to the problem at these campuses but rather why wasn’t it done sooner,” Marcus continued.
On the campaign trail with El-Sayed this week, Raskin was also asked — as a widely regarded figure among liberal Jews — about his pitch to Jewish Democrats concerned about El-Sayed. He emphasized in response that Democrats’ efforts must be focused on defeating President Donald Trump and GOP candidates for Congress.
Raskin visited Ann Arbor on Wednesday to campaign for El-Sayed, also joining Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-MI). Many prominent Jewish Democrats in the state say they’re agonizing over the general election, torn between their party loyalty and their concerns about El-Sayed and his allies.
“The Democratic Party is a very big tent,” Raskin said. “It’s a very big tent because there are a lot of people in it, and they’re just like — you know, any big family Thanksgiving dinner, there can be arguments and people jostling, and there’s unruliness. But fundamentally, we all believe in democracy, in freedom, and the progress and prosperity of our people.”
He said that the election is a “referendum about the future: Will we have democracy or will we have autocracy? This is our chance to cut this reign of lawlessness and terror in half in this election.”
Raskin also praised El-Sayed’s career in public health and said that he would be critical to making health care more affordable in the Senate, but didn’t directly address the concerns that members of the Jewish community have raised about the nominee.
He also did not address a question from JI about influencer Hasan Piker — whom various other leading Democrats have condemned this week — and his ties to El-Sayed.
GOP campaign veteran Colin Reed called Graham’s debate performance a ‘seismic moment in an otherwise sleepy race’
Peter Zay/Anadolu via Getty Images
Sen. Darline Graham (R-SC) and Rep. Ralph Norman (R-SC) participate in a televised debate ahead of the Republican primary runoff in Newberry S.C., on August 18, 2026.
Sen. Darline Graham’s (R-SC) stumbling performance at the final GOP primary debate on Tuesday has prompted questions among Republicans in Washington about her prospects in next week’s runoff against Rep. Ralph Norman (R-SC).
Graham’s debate performance has been widely panned for her response to a question about Taiwan and the South China Sea, during which she admitted that she is “not that informed on national security.” The moment prompted national Republican operatives to question her qualifications to replace her late brother, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), and led to an avalanche of attacks from critics about her lack of policy experience.
Senior Republicans who have been involved in the race privately described Graham’s foreign policy flub as a pivotal moment that could cost her the nomination.
“It was always going to be a lot harder than she was told when she got into this, but I thought she could win before the debate. Now, I think she’s done for,” a senior GOP campaign official involved with the race told JI. “This loss is going to be an unfortunate embarrassment, and the way this played out could be somewhat of a stain on Lindsey’s legacy even though he had nothing to do with it.”
A spokesperson for Graham’s campaign declined to comment about her debate performance. Graham defended her answer while speaking to reporters in the spin room following the debate, arguing that, “The people of South Carolina, they’re worried about their pocketbooks more than they’re worried about the South China Sea, quite honestly.”
Veteran Republican strategists who have been involved in high-profile Senate races called Graham’s performance one of those rare moments that could change the trajectory of the race.
“The debate seems fairly consequential for a number of reasons,” Colin Reed, a founding partner of South & Hill Strategies and a GOP campaign veteran, told Jewish Insider. “To me, it seems like a fairly seismic moment in an otherwise sleepy race.”
Reed predicted that Graham’s inability to sound articulate on foreign policy — all but taking a pass on a consequential national security question — was likely to have an impact on the outcome of the race because of the importance of national security issues to South Carolina’s “heavy military presence and large veteran community.”
He added that her comments are already drawing comparisons to “the towering figure her brother was on the matter of foreign affairs” and the fact that the U.S. “happens to be engaged in multiple conflicts, or at least one conflict overseas with Iran, right now.”
“This is a late-summer primary and runoff, and only the most engaged audiences turn out,” Reed said. “Those types of audiences are the ones who were likely paying attention or discussing the debate.”
He argued that Graham’s lack of political experience makes her a “blank canvas” to voters and that, combined with the special election to replace her late brother on the ballot as the GOP nominee being truncated despite Republican primary voters being “wary of coronations,” the South Carolina senator had already been in a vulnerable political position prior to the debate.
Should Graham lose to Norman, it would mark the first time this cycle that a GOP candidate endorsed by President Donald Trump in a Senate race has lost their primary contest.
The president will hold a campaign rally for Graham in Myrtle Beach on Friday, even as he has scaled back his campaign appearances in recent months. Republicans in Washington expressed skepticism that the rally would significantly alter the outcome of this race, with two sources predicting that most of the attendees were only going to see the president speak. (For his part, Lindsey Graham was frequently booed and heckled when appearing at Trump rallies through the years.)
Norman said in a statement following the debate that South Carolina deserves to have a senator with “know-how” on foreign policy matters.
“Whether it’s spy balloons flying overhead or buying up land near South Carolina military bases, China continues to prove that it is a threat to the United States,” the House lawmaker told Politico.
Republican senators were told that Graham was not interested in seeking a full term when she agreed to the appointment in the immediate aftermath of her brother’s unexpected death last month. Graham said in a pre-debate interview on Monday that she “didn’t even realize I’d be asked to fill the seat temporarily” and did not accept the appointment last month with the idea of running for a full term. She instead credited the president with convincing her to run during an Oval Office meeting in her first week as senator.
Graham’s surprise decision to run, which two sources told JI came at the urging of Trump and several of Lindsey Graham’s campaign consultants, was met with apprehension in Washington. GOP circles. After Graham launched her campaign, Republican senators and strategists skeptical of her chances of winning began quietly voicing concern to one another about her lack of voting record or political background, the fact that she lacked a policy platform and the optics of sending a grieving sister out on the campaign trail. They also took note of how competitively Norman, Graham’s opponent in next week’s runoff election, was polling in the race.
One senior Senate GOP operative put it bluntly: “If we’re going to do a coronation, we need to be able to do a coronation. If we can’t get our s**t together, then we shouldn’t keep trying.”
Graham was cautioned by several Republicans, including two senators, that she would be setting herself up for a contentious election fight if she got in the race, according to two sources familiar with the matter. She was told by several of her brother’s campaign consultants, however, that while the contest would be challenging, she was likely to win with the president’s endorsement.
Graham prevailed in the first round of the primary election earlier this month, but only tallied 33% of the vote, far short of the majority necessary to avoid a runoff. She got a campaign boost after winning the endorsement of one leading rival, Rep. Russell Fry (R-SC), but her debate stumble only underscored her biggest vulnerability: lack of experience.
“The debate was challenging to watch. Her performance was very bad. We all empathize with her because of the circumstances she’s under, but that makes it all the more disturbing that folks who claim to love Lindsey would get in her ear and tell her she should run,” the Senate Republican campaign source said.
The winner of the Republican runoff next Tuesday will face Democrat Annie Andrews in the November election. Andrews, a pediatrician, is a decided underdog running in a solidly Republican state, but has been a strong fundraiser, bringing in over $10 million during the campaign cycle.
Analysts say Iran and the U.S. remain too far apart on compensation demands and Washington's military posture in the region for a deal
AFPTV / AFP via Getty Images
A cargo ship anchoring near the Strait of Hormuz off the eastern coast of the United Arab Emirates on July 12, 2026.
Talks to reopen the Strait of Hormuz appear unlikely to produce an agreement, analysts told Jewish Insider this week, with little sign that Washington and Tehran can bridge their competing demands over the waterway. The Trump administration is more likely to pursue continued economic pressure than return to military confrontation, the experts suggested — but that strategy may not be enough to force Tehran to back down.
Reports indicate that an agreement between Iran and Oman on managing traffic through the strait is imminent, but a final deal has failed to materialize despite days of negotiations. Mohsen Rezaei, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, insisted on Tuesday that any agreement reached between the two countries is separate from Tehran’s broader closure of the waterway, which will only be lifted once the U.S. accedes to Tehran’s demands, including full compensation for its war costs.
Trump has also applied conditions of his own, stating the U.S. would also seek compensation from Iran for the current conflict as well as previous ones. Experts maintained to JI that a broader agreement between Washington and Tehran over the strait appears increasingly unlikely, with both sides seeking to preserve the leverage they have gained.
“Iran is unlikely to give up control of the strait anytime soon, having spent years threatening to choke the waterway and finally proving it can with relatively few cheap missiles and drones,” Ari Cicurel, associate director of foreign policy at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America, told JI. “The mere threat of attacks remains Iran’s best leverage after a war that gutted its economy, which is why its demands for reopening [the strait] center on Washington lifting the blockade and pulling back forces, the two things that give the United States its own leverage, leaving the two sides’ positions increasingly incompatible.”
Steven Cook, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, said his “sense is that we are going to have a long and drawn-out contest of wills over the strait.”
“The president has toggled between threatening force, using force and negotiating. He seems to like the idea of economic pressure, but of course there is no way of knowing that the resulting economic pain will dislodge the regime,” he continued.
Michael Koplow, chief policy officer at the Israel Policy Forum, similarly noted the Trump administration is more likely to continue pursuing economic pressure than return to military hostilities, citing American munitions shortages, the war’s unpopularity with the public and Congress and the approaching midterm elections.
“Given the extreme unlikelihood of any successful negotiation between the U.S. and Iran, the two plausible scenarios are either a continuation of the status quo, or Trump using an Iran-Oman agreement on Hormuz to declare victory and extricate himself from the situation altogether,” Koplow said. “Trump’s preferred option is economic pressure … The economy has priced in the Hormuz closure, so if the U.S. keeps up economic pressure without returning to war, Trump can at least count on no drastic changes on inflation or public opinion, even if neither improves before the election.”
Elliott Abrams, who served as Iran envoy in the first Trump administration, said Washington has caused “great economic damage” to Iran by maintaining its blockade on oil exports, something he called “the right policy now.” He noted that Iran’s inflation rate “is just under 90 percent and it loses hundreds of millions of dollars a day in oil revenue.”
Cicurel cautioned, however, that economic pressure may not be enough to force Tehran to surrender its leverage over the strait, pointing to the Iranian regime’s history of passing along economic hardships to the country’s citizens while continuing to direct resources toward its military. He suggested Washington could instead seek to weaken Iran’s control over the strait by establishing “protected windows of time” for commercial vessels to transit and offering financial backing to shipping companies and insurers.
“The Iranian regime has long shown it can absorb immense economic pressure at the expense of the Iranian people while funneling resources into the military programs that have now handed it this leverage,” Cicurel said. “Neither economic pressure nor the limited tit-for-tat strikes over the past few weeks have changed Tehran’s calculus on leverage it waited years to gain.”
Additionally, Abrams indicated that the decision may not be entirely up to Trump should Tehran grow impatient under increased economic pressure.
“The problem for Trump is that Iran may decide not to allow him to sit and wait. It is a vicious and brutal tyranny, but the rulers know that they risk another uprising as the economy worsens. That may lead them to attack Gulf Arab states, Israel and U.S. bases again,” Abrams said. “At some point Trump will have to hit back. The decision to return to war is really in the Ayatollah’s hands right now.”
Cook also noted that the economic pressure strategy “has costs for Americans too.”
“So far, prices at the pump have generally been manageable, but that cannot go on forever,” Cook said. “Americans have also been helped by the fact that experts undercounted how much oil is in storage around the globe. That’s a good problem to have, but it doesn’t change the fact that less oil (and other products like fertilizers and aluminum) is flowing through the strait. At some point, the laws of economics are going to catch up with us.”
The closure of Oro Nami after less than a year has reignited a long-running debate about why the nation's capital is stuck with just one full-service kosher option
Gabby Deutch
Rabbi Levi Shemtov, executive vice president of American Friends of Lubavitch (Chabad), prepares to hang a mezuzah on the doorpost at the grand opening of Oro Nami, a new kosher sushi restaurant in the West End neighborhood of Washington on June 25, 2025.
At last year’s grand opening for Oro Nami, a kosher sushi spot in Washington, the restaurant’s splashy aesthetic — red velvet booths, multicolor clocks projected on the ceiling, dark walls, a light-up floor — did not exactly align with the clientele: Capitol Hill staffers, new Trump administration appointees, K Street lobbyists and a handful of Orthodox rabbis.
But even if Oro Nami’s atmosphere felt slightly out of place in Washington’s quiet West End neighborhood, where the city’s small Orthodox community is centered, that incongruity was no match for the excitement among observant Jews living in the nation’s capital. For years, people had been clamoring for more kosher dining options in the city, and in particular one that would be open past 8 p.m. Oro Nami seemed like the answer.
That is, until it shut down in May, after less than a year in business.
Now Char Bar, the meat restaurant in the West End that has been serving observant Democratic and Republican officials — and their friends and colleagues — for years, is once again the only sit-down kosher restaurant with a liquor menu. Nearly all of the area’s kosher restaurants are located in Maryland suburbs like Silver Spring and Rockville, where the bulk of the region’s Orthodox community lives. In a city that thrives on power lunches, kosher-keeping Jews have only one option.
The closure of yet another kosher restaurant in the District has reignited one of Jewish Washingtonians’ favorite conversation topics: Why aren’t there more kosher restaurants in a city as important as the nation’s capital?
People with knowledge of the restaurant business say that the answer is straightforward, if unsatisfying: economics. The Washington metro area has more than 300,000 Jews, according to a community-wide study completed in 2017. Just 5% of them are Orthodox, and most of the Orthodox Jews live in Maryland.
“Kashrut in general in D.C. I think is tricky, because from a real estate perspective, everything is priced like a normal restaurant,” said Rabbi Charlie Schwartz, the director of Lehrhaus, a kosher restaurant in Boston that plans to expand to Washington. “It’s assuming that you’ll do a high volume of business on Fridays and Saturdays, and for larger restaurant spaces that you’ll have pretty high alcohol sales, and kosher restaurants just don’t operate that way.”
“There isn’t a concentrated district [in D.C.] where all the Orthodox Jews work. There isn’t a district where everybody is going to particular museums. Even the museums and the things that tourists do are spread out,” said Dani Klein, who runs the popular blog “YeahThatsKosher.”
In 2024, Lehrhaus announced to great fanfare that it planned to open in Washington, its second city, in 2025. But the restaurant, which bills itself as a “Jewish tavern and house of learning,” has not even broken ground on a location in D.C. yet. (“We’re 100% in on D.C,” Schwartz promised. “We’re not dismayed in any way.”)
Dani Klein, who runs the popular blog “YeahThatsKosher,” said that the layout of the city doesn’t help.
“There isn’t a concentrated district [in D.C.] where all the Orthodox Jews work. There isn’t a district where everybody is going to particular museums. Even the museums and the things that tourists do are spread out,” said Klein. He compared it to Midtown Manhattan, where he works in corporate marketing. Due to its proximity to major tourist attractions such as Times Square, Broadway and Central Park, along with scores of office towers, the neighborhood has a wealth of kosher options, though he noted several restaurants have closed recently.
He described Chicago as a more apt parallel to D.C., although Washington actually has more kosher options downtown.
“As you go further north [in Chicago], outside of downtown, and you start going to where the Jewish community lives, then you get massive pockets of kosher,” said Klein. Washington’s kosher restaurants are mostly in the suburbs, too.
Char Bar’s owner, Michael Chelst, does not primarily earn a living from running a kosher restaurant. He also works in the mortgage business, and he recently took over operating Moti’s Market, the kosher grocery store in Rockville.
“I call us a ‘likely for profit’ business. We’re not a nonprofit,” Chelst told Jewish Insider recently. “I get frustrated when people go, ‘Oh, why don’t you do more of this and that.’ I’m like, ‘Listen, we’re just trying to keep it open and keep it going for our community and for the people there.’” Still, the vast majority of Char Bar’s customers are tourists, according to Chelst.
Despite the addition of Oro Nami last year, 2025 was Char Bar’s highest-revenue year since it opened in 2014. (Chelst previously ran a different kosher spot, Eli’s, in the same location.) Chelst said he thinks Washington would benefit from a dairy restaurant, even if it competes with Char Bar.
“I’m sure that would hurt our business, but I wouldn’t be upset if one opened, because that would be good for the community,” said Chelst.
People know there’s an appetite for more options, even if the money isn’t quite there to support them.
“I get a call, I’d say, every other month or so from someone who’s very interested in starting up any of a range of Kosher cuisine enterprises here,” said Rabbi Levi Shemtov, executive vice president of American Friends of Lubavitch (Chabad). “I know of a few currently still considering doing so. They’re watching downtown business lunch traffic, and when that picks up, I think you’ll see another one or two actually get established.”
Other options have opened and closed over the years. Jack Abramoff, the Republican lobbyist who went to prison on corruption charges, ran a kosher deli for a period in the early 2000s. An upscale kosher French restaurant called L’Etoile closed in 2002 after three years. The local Israeli chain Shouk closed last year, in part due to boycotts by anti-Israel activists. In earlier eras, when the local Jewish community was actually centered in the District and not the suburbs, kosher options were not so hard to come by; following the Civil War, six kosher restaurants were operating in D.C.
“I urge the relatively new kosher-keeping residents of Washington, D.C., to understand the privilege that they have to live in this time,” said Aaron Keyak, a Democratic consultant who moved to Washington nearly 20 years ago. “And with the advent of all these food delivery apps, you can reach into the suburbs and get everything from kosher Chinese to pizza.”
But despite the kvetching from locals, Washington’s kosher restaurant scene has not actually been stagnant in recent years. Oh Mama Grill, a casual Israeli-style falafel and shawarma restaurant, opened in Adams Morgan in 2022 and is still operating. During the academic year, anyone — whether affiliated with George Washington University or not — can visit Zingers, a kosher restaurant in the GW Hillel that opened in 2023 and is operated by the university’s dining operation, as part of the school’s pledge to provide kosher options for Jewish students. Zingers serves sandwiches and bowls alongside what it deems “the best chicken sandwich in Foggy Bottom.” At $12, the sandwich can compete with non-kosher options.
“People eat there because the food is good,” said GW Hillel’s executive director, Daniel Novick. “A lot of non-Jewish students are eating there.”
There are even now kosher deli sandwiches available for purchase in the cafeteria at Longworth, one of the congressional office buildings.
Other kosher options in the city include Pow Pow, a vegan Asian restaurant with two locations in the city, and Baked By Yael, a bakery across from the zoo in Woodley Park that sells pastries, challah, bagels and cake pops. They are certified by a kashrut agency operated by local Modern Orthodox rabbis — so while some strictly religious Jews may not eat there, the creation of DC Kosher to give the seal of approval to local plant-based restaurants was a boon to most of the city’s observant Jews.
“I urge the relatively new kosher-keeping residents of Washington, D.C., to understand the privilege that they have to live in this time,” said Aaron Keyak, a Democratic consultant who moved to Washington nearly 20 years ago. “And with the advent of all these food delivery apps, you can reach into the suburbs and get everything from kosher Chinese to pizza.”
“People are always kvetching about why there aren’t more establishments,” said Rabbi Levi Shemtov, executive vice president of American Friends of Lubavitch (Chabad). “But once they open, the proprietors feel that the community doesn’t show enough support.”
D.C. is a foodie city, at least for the non-kosher keepers. Two Washington restaurants appeared on The New York Times’ vaunted “50 Best Restaurants” list last year. Don’t expect to find kosher restaurants on the list — but that doesn’t mean the city’s kosher food scene is a lost cause.
Shemtov, one of the best-known Orthodox rabbis in Washington, had a blunt message to Jewish Washingtonians about the local food scene.
“People are always kvetching about why there aren’t more establishments,” said Shemtov. “But once they open, the proprietors feel that the community doesn’t show enough support.”
It was like the now-famous Barack Obama line from the 2016 Democratic National Convention, when he urged Democrats to vote in that year’s elections. Don’t boo. Vote.
Shemtov’s message is similar. Don’t kvetch. Eat.
Plus, Larry David's fashion advice for Obama
Ilia YEFIMOVICH / POOL / AFP via Getty Images
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during a ceremony commemorating Israel's Remembrance Day on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem on April 21, 2026.
Good Monday morning.
In today’s Daily Kickoff, we look at the split between Washington and Jerusalem over the White House’s 15-point plan to disarm Hamas, and spotlight the House and Senate primaries in Minnesota that are testing the power of the state’s far-left activists. We look at the congressional primary taking shape in Hartford, Conn., where Rep. John Larson aims to hold his seat against a challenger calling for generational change, and report on the American Psychological Association’s decision to table a vote to recognize a Jewish group within the organization. Also in today’s Daily Kickoff: Will Scharf, Noach Hacker and Dario Amodei.
We also have a new on-demand Live Briefing that you can access throughout the day via our new app (on Apple and Android) and on our website.
Today’s Daily Kickoff was curated by JI Executive Editor Melissa Weiss and Israel Editor Tamara Zieve, with assists from Danielle Cohen-Kanik and Marc Rod. Have a tip? Email us here.
What We’re Watching
- Todd Blanche will be sworn in as attorney general this afternoon, following last week’s 50-49 Senate vote to confirm him.
- We’re keeping an eye on the talks between Iran and Oman to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, after the weekend yielded little progress toward reopening the waterway. President Donald Trump told Axios on Sunday that, despite Iran issuing new demands to the U.S. in order to reopen the strait, Washington is “only semi-negotiating with them” and is “low-keying it,” relying on Tehran’s economic crisis to bring it to an agreement.
- In Tehran, Mohsen Rezaei, the newly tapped head of the Islamic Republic’s national security body who led the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps during the 1980s and ’90s, issued new demands, including the end of efforts to target Iranian proxies in the region and the cessation of U.S. threats to Iran.
What You Should Know
A QUICK WORD WITH JI’S mELISSA WEISS
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday said Jerusalem “does not accept the 15-point document” agreed to last month by the U.S.-led Board of Peace and Hamas that would see the eventual disarmament of the terror group and withdrawal of the IDF from the Gaza Strip — a rare public break with the White House, which has touted the plan since it was announced.
In comments to his Cabinet on Sunday, Netanyahu said Israel “would not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is disarmed.”
The White House and Jerusalem have largely been in lockstep on issues related to Gaza. The rupture over Hamas’ disarmament is one of the more significant policy breaks between President Donald Trump and Netanyahu.
Jonathan Conricus, a former IDF spokesperson who is now a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told JI that the mediating countries benefit from Hamas’ continued rule in the Gaza Strip and have no urgency to press for the terror group’s disarmament.
That lack of seriousness, he added, makes it unlikely that Hamas will take the necessary steps to disarm. “It’s all a show, it’s a charade, a spectacle,” Conricus said. “The only way that Hamas really ceases to control the Gaza Strip is if all of their weapons are handed in — not stored, not temporarily safeguarded somewhere else, but actually handed in, and if that is verified. As long as we won’t see that happening, I don’t think that Israel is going to agree with any charade.”
GOPHER BROKE
In an echo of Michigan’s bruising Democratic Senate primary last week, the bitter Democratic primary for an open Senate seat in battleground Minnesota this week is pitting a moderate House member with a long-standing pro-Israel record, Rep. Angie Craig (D-MN), against an outspoken progressive, Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan, whose attack lines have frequently centered on AIPAC, which spent over $30 million in its unsuccessful effort to help Rep. Haley Stevens (D-MI) in Michigan, Jewish Insider’s Matthew Kassel reports.
Neck-and-neck: Recent independent surveys have shown a statistical dead heat in the final weeks of the primary, with each candidate garnering around 40% of the vote. The candidates’ equivocations over AIPAC and individual ties to the group have also emerged as fault lines in recent weeks, complicating the ideological divisions that have shaped other primaries in which Israel and Middle East policy have featured prominently. In a reflection of the extent to which AIPAC is now viewed as a liability in Democratic primaries, Craig has distanced herself from the group, which has not officially made an endorsement in the race even as its donor network has contributed to her campaign.































































































































