The kids aren’t alright.

That’s the unmistakable takeaway from a weekend filled with shocking developments surrounding the views of young conservatives, punctuated by a Turning Point USA conference that turned into a proxy war between mainstream voices led by Ben Shapiro, looking to create guardrails against antisemites and conspiracy theorists within the MAGA movement, against a growing cadre of bad-faith right-wing influencers leading the charge to embrace extremist voices into the conservative coalition.

The conference concluded with Vice President JD Vance all but taking the side of the extremists, while offering fulsome praise to his friend, Tucker Carlson, as an essential part of the Republican Party coalition.

The last several days also featured news of an eye-opening Manhattan Institute focus group of Gen Z Nashville-area conservatives reluctant to offer any negative reaction toward Adolf Hitler and sharing numerous antisemitic stereotypes about Jews. (One 29-year-old woman offered this representative reaction about Hitler: “I think he was a great leader, to be honest. I think what he was going for was terrible, but I think he showed very strong leadership values.”)

The weekend ended with a Jewish Insider scoop that a Trump administration nominee for a senior position at the State Department has a long track record of making derogatory comments about the Jewish community, characterizing Jews as religiously incorrect and in need of conversion.

This moment was further underscored by the hideously antisemitic tirade that Candace Owens went on over the last few days, barely eliciting any serious pushback from conservative movement leaders. Meanwhile, former journalist Megyn Kelly, during her own speech Friday at the TPUSA conference, chose to go after Shapiro and CBS News Editor-in-Chief Bari Weiss even as Kelly has publicly steered clear of criticizing Owens, citing the fact that she’s a young mother and a personal friend. (Shapiro, she said, is no longer a friend after he criticized her in his speech Thursday night.)

Shapiro, long one of the leading voices on the right, opened the conference with a warning that the conservative movement is in danger from “charlatans who claim to speak in the name of principle but actually traffic in conspiracism and dishonesty, who offer nothing but bile and despair.”  

He called out Tucker Carlson, Owens and Kelly by name. “We must not let fear of audience anger deter us from telling the truth; we must not let fear of other hosts deter us from telling the truth,” Shapiro warned. “The fact that Candace has been vomiting all sorts of hideous and conspiratorial nonsense into the public square for years on end while others fly cover for her is … cowardly.”

Shapiro received a characteristically warm reception for calling out the crazy, but the fact that he was outnumbered by voices whose extreme views would have long been marginalized by the conservative movement but are now tolerated, if not embraced, is a sign of our times — and a warning of where the MAGA movement could be headed without more leaders speaking up. 

Outside of Shapiro, there weren’t many leaders following suit. 

Vance, the favorite to win the GOP presidential nomination in 2028, sided with the extremists during his Sunday address to close out the conference. “President Trump did not build the greatest coalition in politics by running his supporters through endless, self-defeated purity tests,” Vance said to applause. 

In an interview with Unherd’s Sohrab Ahmari, he offered fulsome praise to Carlson: “The idea that Tucker Carlson, who has one of the largest podcasts in the world, who has millions of listeners, who supported Donald Trump in the 2024 election, who supported me in the 2024 election — the idea that his views are somehow completely anathema to conservatism, that he has no place in the conservative movement, is frankly absurd. And I don’t think anybody actually believes it.”

He also appeared to defend both anti-Israel Democrats and Republicans for their antipathy towards the Jewish state, saying nearly of the critics were not motivated by antisemitism. “99% of Republicans, and I think probably 97% of Democrats, do not hate Jewish people for being Jewish. What is actually happening is that there is a real backlash to a consensus view in American foreign policy.”

Culture is typically a leading indicator of where our politics is headed. The developments of the past week offer numerous real-life examples that back up the polling that shows that younger Americans hold overwhelmingly more critical views of the Jewish people than other generations, with antisemitic beliefs strongest among the most conservative cohort. One characteristic example: A recently-conducted Manhattan Institute poll found that over half of Republican men under 50 “believe the Holocaust was greatly exaggerated or did not happen as historians describe.”

We’re seeing a preview of where our country could be headed without a change in direction. And while that may sound pessimistic, the reality is there’s a lot more that can be done to deal with the growing Gen Z radicalism — like scrutinizing the social media platforms that incentivize hateful content and singlehandedly create a marketplace for such extremism. 

In a series of social media posts, Vice President JD Vance linked data finding increased antisemitism among young people on both sides of the aisle to immigration, and said that there is a difference between “not liking Israel” and being antisemitic.

Responding to excerpts from an Atlantic story highlighting the increase in antisemitic attitudes among young people, Vance said, “Mainstream journalism is just profoundly uninteresting and lame, consumed by its own pieties.”

“To write an article about the ‘generational divide’ in anti-semitism without discussing the demographics of the various generations is mind boggling,” Vance continued.

He blamed the increase in antisemitism on immigration and the demographic makeup of younger Americans.

“‘We imported a lot of people with ethnic grievances prior generations didn’t have. We celebrated this as the fruits of multiculturalism. Now we’re super surprised that the people we imported with ethnic grievances still have those ethnic grievances,’” Vance wrote, arguing that “the most significant single thing you could do to eliminate anti-semitism and any other kind of ethnic hatred is to support our efforts to lower immigration and promote assimilation.”

He concluded, “these guys won’t do that, because they all lack curiosity and introspection,” Vance continued.

He also linked to an analysis cited by Manhattan Institute fellow Charles Fain Lehman supporting those conclusions, indicating that foreign origin is more closely correlated to antisemitism than age or ideology.

Responding to a reply from a right-wing influencer who stated that “White conservative zoomers don’t really like Israel anymore either, JD,” Vance said, “I would say there’s a difference between not liking Israel (or disagreeing with a given Israeli policy) and anti-semitism.”

The comments are some of Vance’s first and most notable following the divisions on the right over rising antisemitism in the conservative movement. Vance, who many see as a leader among younger and “New Right” elements of the GOP, had largely avoided engaging in the debate until now.

Younger voters hold overwhelmingly more critical views of Israel and of the Jewish people than older generations, a new survey finds in keeping with other recent research on the issue, with antisemitic beliefs strongest among the most conservative cohort.

The Yale Youth Poll, an undergraduate-led research group based at Yale University, surveyed over 3,400 American voters for their views on Israel, Zionism and antisemitism between Oct. 29-Nov. 11, with over half of respondents under the age of 35. 

On a basic assessment of whether the American Jewish community has had a positive or negative impact on the United States, over half (54%) of all respondents answered positive, while the same was true of only around a third (35%) of 18-22-year-olds.

In a list of antisemitic statements — including “Jews in the United States are more loyal to Israel than to America,” “It’s appropriate to boycott Jewish American-owned businesses to protest the war in Gaza” and “Jews in the United States have too much power” — 70% of respondents overall disagreed with all three; however, only 57% of 18-22-year-olds and 60% of 23-29-year-olds said the same. 

Among those ages 18-34 who self-identified in their responses as “extremely conservative,” a sizeable majority of 64% said they agreed with at least one of the listed statements, far more than any other subgroup of younger voters — 38% of 18-34-year-olds overall said the same, already a notable minority.

Younger people also had overwhelmingly negative views of Zionism: Given a list of possible definitions of the ideology, respondents overall most commonly identified the “positive” definitions, including “self-determination and statehood for the Jewish people,” “the continued existence of Israel in the face of calls for its destruction” and the Jewish people having an equal “right to statehood,” as accurate.

Among voters ages 18-22, however, the most commonly selected definitions described Zionism as “maintaining a Jewish demographic majority in Palestine by driving out the native Palestinian population,” (36% vs. 17% of all respondents), creating “a nation-state where Jews get more rights than others,” (33% vs. 15% overall) and “a form of racism and apartheid against Palestinians” (31% vs. 13% overall). Fifteen percent of respondents under 30 said they believe that Israel should not exist, compared to 5% overall.

The younger cohort’s view of what qualifies as antisemitism was also distinct — asked if comparing the Israeli government’s policies to the Nazis constitutes a form of anti-Jewish prejudice, 46% of 18-34-year-olds said no, compared to 28% of respondents overall. Seventeen percent of younger voters said they did not believe use of the phrase “globalize the intifada” was antisemitic, compared to 12% overall, and 67% said calling the war in Gaza a genocide did not constitute antisemitism, compared to 47% overall.

Nearly half (46%) of 18-22-year-olds think the U.S. should cut off all military aid to Israel compared to 23% of all respondents. This hostility to Israel, as with most of the survey’s findings, decreased with age to only 13% of respondents aged 65 and older.