Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir reportedly said reaching a deal is ‘in Netanyahu’s hands’ and advocated for the Israeli PM to accept the latest proposal
THOMAS COEX/AFP via Getty Images
Israeli army major general Eyal Zamir looks on as he stands near the Israel-Gaza border in the southern kibbutz of Nahal Oz on April 20, 2018.
IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir said in remarks during a visit to a Haifa naval base on Sunday that the Israeli army has met its objectives in its war with Hamas in Gaza, “including deeply damaging Hamas,” and “as a result of the military pressure, we created the conditions for the release of the hostages.”
According to Israel’s Channel 13, Zamir also said in private conversations, “There is a deal on the table, it’s the improved [U.S. Middle East envoy Steve] Witkoff framework,” apparently referring to the deal Hamas said it agreed to last week.
Senior Israeli officials told Israel’s Channel 12 that that deal is “no longer relevant” because it includes the release of a limited number of hostages, whereas Israel wants to see a comprehensive deal with all 50 hostages released.
Zamir said Sunday that the deal is “in [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu’s hands” and advocated for him to accept it. Zamir claimed that “there is great danger to the lives of the hostages in taking over Gaza City,” a position he held about the operation before its approval, which reportedly led to clashes with Netanyahu.
The IDF has called up tens of thousands of reservists in preparation for its takeover of Gaza City, expected to ramp up in the next several weeks, and is moving to evacuate the residents of the central Gazan city.
Top IDF and government officials have clashed on a series of issues, including the appointments of more than two dozen military officials and Zamir’s opposition to the plan to take over Gaza City and expand IDF operations in the Gaza Strip
IDF
The Chief of the General Staff, LTG Eyal Zamir, the Director of the ISA, Ronen Bar, and the Commanding Officer of the IAF, Maj. Gen. Tomer Bar, in the IAF’s Underground Operations Center, commanding the strikes in Gaza overnight between March 17th and March 18, 2025
Tensions between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Eyal Zamir, the chief of staff of the IDF, are as high as the record-setting temperatures that have swept the region.
The IDF’s top officials and the Israeli government have clashed on a series of issues in recent days, including the appointments of more than two dozen military officials and Zamir’s opposition to Netanyahu’s plan to take over Gaza City and expand IDF operations in the Gaza Strip, which was approved by Israel’s Security Cabinet last week.
The IDF chief of staff has warned that the new approach to Gaza risks the lives of the 20 remaining living hostages in the enclave, and would further deplete the military’s resources in Gaza. The army, under strain after nearly two years of war, has — even prior to Zamir’s appointment in March — been at odds with the government over the continued exemption of the majority of the country’s Haredi population from the mandatory conscription required of most Israelis.
Israel Democracy Institute President Yohanan Plesner told Jewish Insider this morning that “historically, the relationship between the political level — prime minister, defense minister — and the top brass of the defense establishment, and mainly the IDF chief of staff, has been based on the premise that when Israel engages or embarks on significant security endeavors, operations and so on, it’s based on mutual consent,” with both parties having “de facto … veto power.”
But now, Plesner said, Netanyahu “is violating this decision-making norm that characterized the way decisions on core security [and] national security issues were made in the past.”
Plesner pointed to IDI polling conducted earlier this summer that showed Zamir being the senior official in whom Israelis had the most trust, at 68.5%. The same poll found Netanyahu with a trust rating of 40%.
The potential removal of a senior official months into his tenure “was not in the cards in the past. A chief of staff would voice their professional opinion and they wouldn’t risk being fired.”
The clash between Netanyahu and Zamir has also drawn in former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who is widely seen as one of the only people who could topple Netanyahu in the next election. Bennett attributed the infighting to Zamir’s opposition to the continuation of Haredi draft exemptions — an issue that has sowed division even within Netanyahu’s coalition and still threatens to topple the government.
“Instead of standing behind the army,” Bennett said, “the government has launched an attack *on* the army.”
Netanyahu has previously clashed with — and dismissed — senior military officials, most notably former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, whom Netanyahu first tried to fire in early 2024 but was met with mass protests, before ousting him in November 2024. Last summer, Israeli media reported tensions between the prime minister and Zamir’s predecessor, Lt. Gen. Herzi Halevi, over Netanyahu’s suggestion that hostage talks had not moved forward because Hamas did not feel enough pressure from the country’s military. Netanyahu also pursued the dismissal of former Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar whom he clashed with on a number of issues — including the hostage negotiations and war strategy — citing “continuing lack of trust.”
Plesner pointed out that relations between Netanyahu and both Gallant and Halevi “very much soured around the fact that they were committed to implementing the Supreme Court ruling” that removed the Haredi draft exemption, and that Zamir, as chief of staff, similarly backs the conscription of the Haredi community as war fatigue plagues the reservists who have served hundreds of days in uniform since the start of the war.
Nearly all of the IDF’s top leaders from Oct. 7, 2023, have departed their roles, whether by choice or force, in the almost two years since the attacks. Netanyahu — who has long tried to absolve himself of responsibility for the attacks, instead blaming the military and the Shin Bet — remains the only senior government official from that time still in power. Analyst Nadav Pollak suggested that the prime minister has, since Oct. 7, been “trying to divert the blame from him to the military leadership (he didn’t know Hamas plans etc.) and as long as the focus is on the IDF leadership it’s not on Bibi.”
Now, with the Knesset out for the rest of the summer, ceasefire talks stalled and an immediate collapse of his government off the table, Netanyahu is able to buy some time — perhaps up to several weeks — as Israel’s top political and military brass game out and implement the government’s Gaza strategy. Meanwhile, observers will watch to see how Zamir will carry out Netanyahu’s orders.
































































