Antisemitism in America has plateaued after a sharp rise in anti-Jewish hate incidents in the immediate aftermath of the Oct. 7, 2023 terrorist attacks in Israel — yet fewer Americans are pushing back against it, according to a survey released Thursday by the Blue Square Alliance Against Hate. 

About 25% of the population has consistently held antisemitic attitudes since June 2024, the 2025 Antisemitism Landscape Survey reported. That’s a notable rise from the recent past, but the survey found that the growth of antisemitic views has slowed significantly.

The survey, which has been conducted twice a year since June 2023, polled 7,028 American adults from Aug. 1-Sep. 30. It found that 58% of respondents think antisemitism is a minor problem or not a problem at all, a sizable majority, though one that has remained fairly steady for the past two years. 

“This is an alarming moment for the United States,” said Adam Katz, president of the Blue Square Alliance Against Hate, a nonprofit founded by New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft, which recently rebranded from the Foundation to Combat Antisemitism. “At a time when national data shows clear increases in antisemitic incidents and hate crimes, our survey results show a decline in the number of Americans who see antisemitism as a major problem.” 

Katz called the stabilization of Americans expressing antisemitic attitudes a “glimmer of hope that hate is no longer spreading.” 

At the same time, the report found that the number of Americans willing to speak out against antisemitic behavior is dropping compared to before Oct. 7. 

The number of “allies” to American Jews — defined as “well informed and aware of antisemitism, already activated to stand up to Jewish hate” — stayed consistent at 9% between December 2024 and August 2025, though that’s down from 15% in June 2023. 

The number of Americans categorized as “haters” — defined as “blatantly prejudiced against Jews and tend to be outspoken about it” — decreased slightly from 11% in 2024 to 10% in 2025, though that’s up from 6% in 2023. 

Nearly half (46%) of Americans think Jews can “handle antisemitism on their own,” which has stayed largely consistent since 2024. 

Only around a third (33%) of respondents expressed belief that other people will disapprove of them if they don’t stand up for Jews who are experiencing prejudice, a number that is consistent with the December 2024 poll and slightly less than 39% in December 2023. 

Polling was conducted while the Israel-Hamas war was still underway, with many participants  expressing the view that supporting Jews might be interpreted as siding against Palestinians.

Belief in classic antisemitic tropes — such as “Jews are penny pinchers” and “Jews run the media” — are softening slightly, the survey found, although they are still higher than 2023 numbers. 

The last year has featured several high-profile attacks on Jews around the U.S., including the arson attack against Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro’s home, the Washington shooting of two Israeli Embassy staffers outside the Capital Jewish Museum and the Colorado firebombing of a hostage solidarity event. 

As 2,000 Jewish philanthropists, activists and professionals prepared to leave Washington on Tuesday as the Jewish Federations of North America’s General Assembly wrapped up, they heard a stern warning from Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX): Americans must confront antisemitism on both sides, including the right; if they don’t, the nation will face an “existential crisis.” 

“I do not want to wake up in five years and find that both major parties in America have embraced hatred of Israel and have tolerated, if not embraced, antisemitism,” Cruz said.

Cruz has become the most prominent Republican elected official speaking out against a rising tide of right-wing antisemitism. But the weeks following podcaster Tucker Carlson’s interview with neo-Nazi provocateur Nick Fuentes have sparked a reckoning for Republicans, including some who until recently considered antisemitism to be primarily a left-wing phenomenon.

That internal tension was on full display at a Tuesday afternoon conference hosted by the conservative National Task Force to Combat Antisemitism. The group was until recently affiliated with the Heritage Foundation, until the conservative think tank’s president came to Carlson’s defense. Earlier this month the task force members voted to cut ties with Heritage.  

The NTFCA gathering, arranged in less than two weeks after the group’s split from Heritage, took place in a basement ballroom at The Line Hotel in Washington. About 100 people were in attendance, among them representatives from Jewish advocacy groups including the Anti-Defamation League, Jewish Federations of North America and Combat Antisemitism Movement.

The event’s organizers — NTFCA co-chairs Ellie Cohanim, who served as deputy antisemitism special envoy in the first Trump administration; Mario Bramnick, a Florida pastor and president of the Latino Coalition for Israel; and Luke Moon, a pastor and executive director of the Philos Project — took the opportunity to forcefully reject Carlson and other far-right media figures who are gaining clout among conservatives by attacking Israel and its backers, and to issue a call for conservatives to join them in calling out growing animosity toward Jews. They don’t think enough people are doing so. 

“I remember Luke, early on, said, ‘Mario, keep your eye on the right.’ I said, ‘Well, look, that’s a fringe. It’s not really important,’” Bramnick said. “But now we’re seeing a very troubling development during President Trump’s second administration within the MAGA movement: antisemitic acts coming from MAGA movement leaders.” The Project Esther report that the task force developed with Heritage last year was focused solely on left-wing antisemitism. 

U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee delivered remarks via video. “There is so much antisemitism around the world today. But what perhaps is most troubling to me is that it is not just rising up on the far left,” Huckabee said. 

Two other Trump administration officials also spoke: Justice Department senior counsel Leo Terrell, who said combating antisemitism “is the American thing to do,” and former Rep. Mark Walker (R-NC), Trump’s nominee for international religious freedom ambassador. 

Trump, meanwhile, defended Carlson this week when he was asked about the right-wing podcaster’s interview with Fuentes. 

The convening was a launchpad for a new movement of conservative activists willing to take on antisemitism within their own party. It saw staunch partisans stake out surprising positions, like when Zionist Organization of America President Morton Klein said he was “disappointed” that Trump claimed not to know much about Fuentes.

“The fight on the left is still happening. That is not done. That is a work that still has to go on. But we now have an emergent threat on the right,” Moon said. “It’s the early days of this war. I don’t feel like we did win the last battle, but we didn’t lose yet either.”

Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) upped the ante on his recent rhetoric targeting right-wing podcaster Tucker Carlson, telling a gathering of Jewish leaders in Washington that calling out antisemitism from Carlson and his Republican allies is necessary to defend American values. He said America faces an “existential crisis” if the rising antisemitism on the American right is not addressed.

“I do not want to wake up in five years and find that the Republican Party has become like the Democrat Party,” Cruz said on Tuesday at the Jewish Federations of North America’s General Assembly, which brought together 2,000 philanthropists, activists and Jewish communal professionals. “I do not want to wake up in five years and find that both major parties in America have embraced hatred of Israel and have tolerated, if not embraced, antisemitism.”

The conservative movement has faced internal division and tensions since Carlson hosted neo-Nazi Nick Fuentes on his podcast last month. 

By digging in on his campaign against Carlson, Cruz further separated himself from President Donald Trump, who on Sunday night offered praise for the former Fox News host when he was asked about Carlson’s decision to do a friendly interview with Fuentes. 

“He said good things about me over the years. I think he’s good,” Trump said. “You can’t tell him who to interview.” 

Cruz, meanwhile, has gone after Carlson in increasingly sharp messages, after having his own heated interview with the podcaster in June — including at the recent Republican Jewish Coalition conference in Las Vegas, then at a Federalist Society conference in Washington and now at the GA. 

In his latest speech, he did more than calling out Carlson and his Republican enablers. He made the case that countering Carlson’s influence is necessary for the future of America.

“That is a poison that not only does damage to Israel. That is a poison that does damage to America,” Cruz said. “And if we’re going to stop it, we’re going to stop it because we stand up and say, ‘No, this is not who we are. This is not what we believe. This is not what the Constitution and the Declaration [of Independence] were all about. This is not what America was all about.’”

At the GA, Cruz was addressing a friendly audience who had spent two days immersed in programming about antisemitism in America. But he warned that many people are not fully grasping the scope of the problem. He described a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu this year where, he said, Netanyahu tried to push back on the idea that right-wing antisemitism was a threat. 

“I’ll tell you, he actually was a little dismissive of that. He said, ‘No, no, no, that’s Qatar, that’s Iran, that’s bots,’” Cruz said. “My response: ‘Mr. Prime Minister, yes, but no. Yes, that’s happening. Yes, there are millions of dollars being spent to spread this poison. Yes, that’s happening online. But it is real and organic.’”

The misunderstanding, Cruz said, also exists in the Christian world.

“My message to the Christians is, this poison is spreading. There are pastors who love Israel, who think all is fine,” Cruz said. “My message to them is, ‘Go and talk to the teenagers in your congregation. Go and talk to the 20-somethings in your congregation, because they’re picking up their phone and they’re watching Tiktok and they’re watching Instagram, and they’re hearing this message being driven, and it is resonating.’”

The answer, Cruz said, is for other public officials — Republicans in particular — to speak out. But what’s at stake, he argued, is more than just their party or the Jewish community. He made the case that they must do so for the good of America. 

“My hope is that we see other Republicans willing to stand up, willing to stand up and to be clear, willing to draw a line,” he said. “This is a fight worth fighting. Saving America is worth fighting. Bringing us back to our founding principles — that is worth fighting.” 

After a tumultuous decade in American politics, both major parties are undergoing ideological and generational shifts that are likely to redefine America’s standing in the world — and its relationship with Israel.

On the left, a new generation of lawmakers from the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, many with more critical views of Israel than those who came before them, is making gains in major cities, state capitals and on Capitol Hill. On the right, the ascendance of the isolationist MAGA movement and the decline in support for Israel among younger evangelical Christians, traditionally a bastion of support for the Jewish state, is challenging what has long been traditional, unequivocal GOP support for Israel.

Longtime observers of the U.S.-Israel relationship with whom JI spoke over the weekend expressed concern that Jerusalem has not developed a strategic long-term approach to deal with the emerging political realities in the U.S.

When asked if he believed there’s a serious effort in Jerusalem to address the longterm political challenges in the U.S., former Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Michael Oren was succinct: “I do not.”

The U.S.-Israel relationship, Yossi Klein Halevi, a senior fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute, told JI on Sunday, “has never been in bigger trouble.” What’s so significant about this moment, he said, is that “the erosion is happening in both parties.”

In the past, Halevi explained, “we could always rely on one party or the other to bail us out. And of course, in the past, it was usually the Democrats, and the fact that the erosion is now beginning in the Republican Party should be sending major, major alarms in Jerusalem, but I don’t see any indication of that.” 

Former Knesset member Einat Wilf told JI that the warning signs had been evident for years, and that she had pushed for conversations on the future of the U.S.-Israel relationship when Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) began to criticize Israel. “I remember at the time I started talking with people,” Wilf recalled, “And I told them, ‘Look, if I’m Israel, then I’m putting [together] a team now. Doesn’t have to be overt, but I’m putting [together] a team now that begins to plan for a world where we don’t have such strong support.’”

Wilf said that the idea of Rep.Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as a future president, which would have been “a fringe scenario not long a time ago,” is no longer such a long shot. “Now, it’s almost the mainstream scenario. So we need to take that into consideration. We need to look at it as at least a serious or likely scenario.”

The problem, Halevi said, is that Israel’s government is not thinking long term. “It’s all day-to-day, and it’s all tactical, and it’s not strategic. What happens after Trump and Netanyahu? Scorched earth, as far as [Netanyahu is] concerned. So there’s no one in the government thinking seriously about the relationship with Washington, because he didn’t allow that. It all has to go through him. It goes through him and [Strategic Affairs Minister Ron] Dermer.”

America’s shifting political winds “are not existential issues for Israel, but they’re very, very serious strategic issues for Israel,” Oren said.

Much of the concern from the activist wings of both parties in recent months has been about U.S. military support for Israel amid the IDF’s campaign in Gaza. Lawmakers on the far left and far right have advocated for rolling back military support for Israel. But that sentiment is being to percolate into the mainstream — note former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg’s opposition earlier this month to a new Memorandum of Understanding between the U.S. and Israel, ahead of the current MOU’s expiration in 2028.  

Oren had suggested in 2021 a rethinking of U.S. military aid to Israel, from a traditional “donor-to-recipient” model to “a collaborative relationship based on both countries’ interests and strengths.” That sort of cooperation, he suggested at the time, “would bring immediate benefits to American and Israeli security and strengthen their abilities to counter common threats.”

Such a redefined military relationship with the U.S. would likely serve to combat concerns from the isolationist branch of the GOP over entrenchment in foreign conflicts at a time when such engagement is unpopular among the MAGA wing of the party. And it would address, to some degree, concerns from progressive Democrats, some of whom are pushing the “Block the Bombs” bill to end the U.S.’ sale of offensive weapons to Israel.

But ultimately, Israel is at its best strategically and militarily when it gives itself time and runway to prepare for future challenges and threats. Its wars against Hamas and Hezbollah have underscored the results of Israel’s long-term planning: Hezbollah’s dismantlement as a serious threat came swiftly and as the result of years of preparation, while, nearly two years after the start of the Israel’s war in Gaza, Hamas remains in power, holding both Israelis and the entire enclave hostage as Israel fights an elusive threat on the ground and a losing battle for public opinion around the world.

Those with whom JI spoke agreed that taking on an evolvingU.S. political reality now will help future Israeli governments address the long-term challenges facing the U.S.-Israel relationship.

“We’re a crisis-oriented society. That’s partly our strength, that helps us cope, because we don’t think too far in advance,” Halevi said. “It helps us. It keeps us from getting too depressed. But the downside is that you don’t have the kind of serious, strategic conversations that we desperately need, and certainly we should be having those conversations now about what happens after Trump, what happens if we find ourselves stranded without any major party to rely on.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu argued that young people in America are won over “pretty quickly” by the truth about the situation in Israel, when discussing New York City Democratic mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani on a podcast released Monday, and suggested that Mamdani’s policies would be unpopular if he’s elected.

“A lot of people have been taken in by this nonsense,” Netanyahu said, on the “Full Send” podcast, hosted by a social media influencer group called the Nelk Boys popular with young men.

“Sometimes folly overtakes human affairs for a while, but not for long, because reality steps in,” Netanyahu said. “I’m obviously not happy with it, but I’m less concerned with it, because I think if we can speak the truth to the young people of America, they wise up pretty quickly.”

The Israeli leader also addressed other policies supported by Mamdani, including the Democratic mayoral nominee’s past support for defunding the police and raising taxes.

“You want to defund the police? You want to have people go into stores and rob them and be free? You think that really creates a good society? You want to crush all enterprise? You want to tax people to death?” Netanyahu said. “That’s a one-term effort, but sometimes you have to get mugged by reality to understand how stupid that is. So that’s silly.”